Chances et destins de la viabilitié d'une solution: La Grande Roumanie

La première guerre mondiale a changé la carte de l'Europe.Les empires ont disparu et de nouveaux Etats nationaux se sont formés ou se sont parachevés. Parmi eux s'est parachevée aussi l'unité étatique de la romanité orientale représentée par les Roumains. Ce processus a reflété l'unité d'une nation qui avait vécu séparée pendant un millénaire, tout en ayant des traits unitaires évidents.
La Roumanie est entrée en guerre en 1916 afin de réaliser son unité avec les provinces à majorité roumaine de l'Autriche-Hongrie. Les opérations militaires s'avérèrent diffciles, la Roumanie se trouvant isoléee de ses alliés sauf la Russie qui entra toutefois en 1917 dans un processus de dissolution. Forcée à conclure l'armistice et même la paix avec les Puissances centrales – traité non ratifiée par le roi Ferdinand – la Roumanie reprit les armes vers la fin de l'automne 1918, se trouvant lors de l'armistice du côté de ses alliés. Entre temps, les assemblées représentatives des Roumains décidèrent successivement l'unification à la Roumanie des provinces de Bessarabie, Bucovine et Transylvanie, processus ensuite reconnu par la Conférence de la Paix.
En huit ans, un siècle s'écoulera depuis ce moment de 1918. Dans le sud-est du continent européen l'ordre du système de Versailles n'a pas résisté que partiellement, surtout au moment où le système communiste s'est écroulé. La Yougoslavie et la Tchécoslovaquie se sont divisées. La Grande Roumanie n'existe plus depuis 1940, quand à la suite d'un ultimatum soviétique sa frontière de l'Est et du Nord fut déplacée. Aujourd'hui la romanité orientale est représentée par la Roumanie, mais aussi par la Moldavie, tandis que le nord de la Bucovine et le nord et le sud de la Bessarabie font partie de l'Ucraine. Cependant, sauf cette division imposée par force du dehors par une grande puissance, la formule étatique de 1918, confirmée par la Conférence de la Paix en 1919-1920, a démontré sa viabilité et a résisté dans la plus grande partie du territoire.

Les "miracles "baltes: l'invention et l'européanisation des premiers Etats baltes (1ere moitie XX e siècle)

Si la naissance de plusieurs Etats d'Europe ccentrale vint consacrer le travail de mouvements nationaux déjà reconnus en Occident, la naissance des trois Etats baltes apparut à la majorité des contemporains comme une surprise, voire comme un résultat non-désiré du nouvel ordre européen. Si les trois Etats furent reconnus juridiquements, il eur fallut batailler longtemps avant d'obtenir cette reconnaissance mentale de la part des opinions occidentales qui progressivement apprirent à les placer et à leur reconnaître le titre d'Etats européen à part entière et s'appuyant sur d'authentiques identités nationales. Il fallut aussi en interne achever pour les leaders politiques de consacrer le mouvement de nationalisation des sociétés et parvenir à créer à un large consensus vis-vis de la pérennite des nouveaux Etats-nations.
L'auteru montrera que ce processus d'européanisation avait en grande partie réussi au milieu des années trente ans et que la légimité des nouveaux Etats était en grande partie consacrée. Si le temps manqua pour que l'idée d'Etats baltes s'enracina profondement et que leur annexion au cours du second conflit mondial apparut comme une anomalie de la fin du nouveau conflit, les titres gagnés lors de la première indépendance permirent malgré l'oubli progressif de l'Occident des réalités nationales baltes de maintenir une fiction juridique d'indépendance et le souvenir deces indépendances comme une alternative plausible qui put être mobilisée et invoquée lorsque l'Union Soviétique s'effondra à nouveau. Ainsi alors que les premières indépendances avaienyt pu être considérées dans les années 50 ou 60 comme une parenthèse, ce fut finalement la période de "loccupation soviétique" qui finalement devint cette parenthèse à refermer face (malgré les changements et les evolutions considérables de ces sociétés) ) la renaissance des Etats baltes

La chute de l'Empire sovietique

Gorbachev et la chute de l'URSS en 1990 - 1991

La composition de l'URSS; l'empire pas comme les autres

La chute de l'Empire Russe - suite de la Grande Guerre et de la revolution a vu naitre deux tendances sur l'espace post-imperial: 1)l'aspiration a l'independance et a la liberation nationale et politique et
2)la recherche de l'union "de classe" de l'esprit bolchevik - condition de la sauvegarde de la Russie Sovietique et base de la Revolution universelle.
Le discours antiimperialiste et la volonte du renouveau radical des relations entre les peuples et le peuple et l'Etat auraient redonner a cette nouvelle reunification le caractere inedit. Or, les pratiques etatiques et politiques organiques et inherantes de la Russie imperial et autocratique/totalitaire demeuraient une contradiction majeure a cet elan.
Au centre du debat se pose la question du clivage et de la continuite imperiale dans le model de la URSS lors de sa creation.

La reconstitution de l'Etat polonais et la guerre polono-soviétique - quel fut son vrai enjeu?

Le bouleversement profond qu’avait apporté à l’Europe Centrale la première guerre mondiale a rendu possible la reconstitution de l’Etat polonais. Cette reconstitution posait inévitablement les relations polono-russes sur un nouveau plan. Tout d’abord, c’était la question du territoire. La nouvelle Russie qui cherchait à se définir, après la chute du tsarisme, accordait à la Pologne le droit à l’indépendance. Mais le contenu du nom „la Pologne” était équivoque. Aux yeux des Polonais, leur patrie avait été gommée de la carte de l’Europe avec les partages – si elle devait reapparaître, c’était donc sous son ancienne forme territoriale, éventuellement modifiée. Aux yeux des Russes – et des Occidentaux – la Pologne figurait au XIXe siècle sur la carte de l’Europe telle qu’elle fut dressée à Vienne, avec la frontière entre elle et la Russie. La limite occidentale de celle-là avait été fixée par Catherine II en 1795 et n’était jamais contensté par quiconque (sauf les Polonais). Le controverse territorial était donc inévitable.
Cependant, l’avancée russe vers l’Ouest avait alors également un autre aspect, idéologique, Il s’agissait de propager dans le monde la révolution prolétarienne. Cette propagation devait se faire surtout en Europe, et le chemin vers l’Europe passait – c’était une constante – par la Pologne.
Ce n’était pas seulement la politique de Moscou qui rendait la guerre inévitable. Il en était de même du côté de Varsovie, où également l’enjeu ne se limitait pas au controverse territorial. L’idée de Piłsudski fut d’”éloigner le plus possible des lieux où la vie nouvelle était en train d’éclore et de prendre forme, toutes les tentatives que l’on pouvait faire et tous les pièges que l’on pouvait nous tendre en vue de nous imposer une fois de plus une vie étrangère, une vie qui ne fût pas organisée par nous-mêmes.”
Aucun des deux protagonistes n’a pas su réaliser son projet. La paix de Riga était un douloureux compromis. La Pologne a fait que la Russie soviétique devait se résigner à „construire le socialisme dans un seul pays” et accepter le voisinage direct avec le monde ennemi. Le voisin immédiat de la Pologne à l’Est était toujours la Russie – contrairement à ce que Piłsudski se posait comme but. Les moyens qu’il avait à sa disposition – dont l’alliance avec Petlioura – se sont révélés bien au dessous de sa vision.

K.N. Leont'ev's Polemic against Slavofilism

«Konstantin Nikolaevič Leont'ev (1831-1891) is an outstanding representative of the Russian conservative thought of the second half of the 19th century.
Ferrari and Lami focus on the principal points differentiating Leont'ev from slavophilism and panslavism and founding a vision of Russia and its destiny deeply different from the ones of his contemporaries.
After a short biographic profile, the authors analyze Leon'tev's world view.
Leont'ev shared the conception of Nikolaj Danilevskij, the ideologue of militant panslavism, on cultural-historical types and their evolution and dissolution through three stages of development. For Leon'tev Byzantinism was the specific cultural-historical type embodied by Russia: in the political field it meant autocracy, in the religious one non-western Christianity. In his thought Europe and Russia were already in their third and final phase, of decadence and death, but Russia could prevent the final collapse, preserving her true identity, thanks to autocracy and a firm conservative policy.
This vision corresponded to the refuse of homogeneity and uniformity implied by the processes of modernization undergone by all Europe.
Leont'ev did not agree with the analysis of slavophiles and panslavists about the future of Russia and Slavdom. His idea was that of a cultural and orthodox Russism. The conquest of Constantinople for him was not a political aim, but a cultural and symbolic one, in order to re-found the byzantine ideal in political, religious and cultural terms.
The authors show how Leont'ev tried to answer to the defy posed by a changing world and stress the elements of originality which mark his thought in the general context of the Russian culture of the second half of 19th century.»

The Congress of Neoslavists in Prague 1908 and its Repercussion in Czech Politics

Two Polish Voices on Panslavism in the 19th Century: Karol Libelt and Jan Kozmian

In our paper we would like to present the views on Panslavism of the two prominent Polish political and social activists who acted in the 19th century in the Grand Duchy of Poznan, that is in this part of Poland which after Congress of Vienna fell under Prussian rule. The first of them was Karol Libelt, one of the leaders of the liberal-democratic camp, the second Jan Koźmian, who was a leader of the conservative-ultramontane camp. In 1848 during the Polish Congress in Wroclaw, and then during the Panslav Congress in Prague Libelt put forward an idea of the Panslav federal state without Russian participation, because Russia was one of the powers which partitioned Poland. Therefore, according to Libelt, the future Panslav federal state should have been a counterbalance to both German and Russian expansion. Jan Kozmian, in turn, regarded the Panslav idea as nothing but “idolatry.” He claimed that Slavic nations were on so different level of civilization and politically so diverse from each other that it would be impossible to treat Slavdom as a real political subject, much less as a basis for political calculations. Moreover, according to Kozmian, Slavic idea separated the Polish nation from Latin and European roots.

Between Polish Slavophilism and Russian Pan-Slavism: Reception and Development of the Slavic Ideas by Ukrainian (Ruthenian) Public Activists of Austrian Galicia in the 1850s-1870s.

The paper deals with the politics of Slavic identification among educated Galician Ukrainians (Ruthenians) in the period that followed the 1848-9 revolution. The emerging public sphere in Austrian Galicia provided a forum for the Polish-Ukrainian Slavophiles of Franciszek Duchiński’s school who attempted to neutralize the Russian pan-Slavist activities in the province, while the latter stimulated the growth of Russophilism as one of the main concepts of Ruthenian national identity after the Ausgleich. In their turn, Galician-Ruthenian Ukrainophiles merged key notions of Ukrainian Slavophilism of the Cyrillo-Methodian Society with the Austroslavism, and opposed Russian pan-Slavism. Due to the rapid changes in the political landscape of the Habsburg monarchy, views of many Galician-Ruthenian public activists vacillated between competing notions of Slavic reciprocity. In particular, the paper focuses on the ideological shifts of the prominent Galician-Ruthenian journalist, Ksenofont Klymkovych (1835-1881), who in the 1860s subsequently contributed to the development of both Ukrainophile and pan-Slavist concepts in the monarchy.

The Panslavist Tendencies of Fjodor Tjutcev: A Critical Reflection.

Fëdor Ivanovič Tjutčev has been a very important russian diplomat, both poet and writer, who had lived in Munich and in Turin, and, after a passionate reading of Heine and Schelling, showed himself strongly influenced by the european, and especially by the German romanticism. It is interesting to underline the characters of the reception in Roumania and in Hungary of the panslavist tendencies he showed in his political writings on the problem of the relationship between Russia and the western civilizatio

The Social Networks of Pan-Slavs in Late Imperial Russia (1894-1914)

Though quite a lot has been written on Russian Pan-Slavism, most of it deals with individual thinkers and/or prominent figures (such as Dostoevskii, Danilevskii, Cherniaev, Ignat'ev etc.), but not with rank-and-file memberships of the Slavic committees/societies, particularly during the last twenty years of Imperial Russia (Nikitin's book on Slavic committees stops in 1875). This paper will present in detail not just the structure of the membership of the two most important committees, of Moscow and St. Petersburg, but other important networks as well: in the government, the political parties, in the armed forces and above all in the fields of commerce and banking. It will thus analyze and interpret for the first time the multi-faceted infrastructure of Russian Pan-Slavism and its role in social, economic and political role on the eve of the First World War. The paper will be based on extensive used of primary sources, summarized partly in a statistical form.

Les frontières de Michelet : La Révolution et le Dix-Neuvième Siècle

Cette communication vise, non pas à mesurer les influences de la Révolution en dehors de la France, ni à examiner la manière dont cette dernière a été approprieé par les nations de l’Asie, mais plutôt à analyser les mutations de la vision du monde parmi les Européens qui ont vécu au temps des révolution (1789-1871). Je prends ici comme exemple un historien française, Michelet (1798-1874).
Dans l’Histoire de la Révolution (1847-53), Michelet a dressé l’acte de naissance de la nation. Il a divisé le monde en deux : le roi et le peuple, le despotisme et la justice, le fanatisme et la raison. Cependant l’historien était encore nationaliste. La Révolution regardait les pays voisins comme des foyers de la contre-révolution. Mais Louis-Napoléon vient le chasser de la chaire du Collège de France, il quitte Paris, son pays natal, pour passer vignt ans en exil. A la fin de ce voyage errant, il connaît le siège de Sedan (1870), puis la déclaration de la Commune (1871). Malgré le choc mental, il reprend son Histoire et écrit le Dix-Neuvième Siècle (1872-74).
Ce ne sera plus l’histoire de la France, mais plutôt l’histoire de l’Europe et du monde, qui pourra se dire en trois mots : Socialisme, Militalisme, et Industrialisme. La Révolution traversera, avec Bonaparte, les frontières de la France pour concerner les nations de l’Europe, de l’Amérique, et de l’Asie, qui ont elles-aussi leru propre histoire.

L’héritage de Gracchus Babeuf en Russie

L`histoire du fond de Babeuf au Moscou. Historiographie sovietique et russe du babouvisme.

Les images de la Révolution française dans le discours politique des bolcheviks: le cas de Nicolaï Loukine

La propagande du parti bolchevik a souvent utilisé les slogans et images de la Révolution française, même avant 1917. Mais c’est surtout après la révolution russe que les propagandistes communistes remettent à l’ordre du jour les références à l’expérience révolutionnaire de la France. En rejetant la tradition historique de la Russie impériale, ils se servent souvent du précédent révolutionnaire français comme du principal moyen de légitimer tel ou tel aspect de la politique bolchévique. Cependant leur approche envers l’expérience historique est souple et sélective: ils en utilisent seulement ce qui peut servir le parti à un moment donné, en rejetant les références gênantes. Parmi ces propagandistes, Nicolaï Loukine (1885-1940) est l’un des plus habiles. Diplômé de la faculté d’histoire de l’Université de Moscou et un des chefs du parti bolchevik dans cette ville, il utilise activement les images de la Révolution française dans les articles qu’il publie dans les journaux bolcheviks. C’est lui qui est mandaté en 1918 pour mettre en place le nouveau système d’enseignement de l’histoire en Russie soviétique ; c’est lui aussi qui fonde l’historiographie soviétique de la Révolution française. Ainsi, il n’est pas étonnant que cette historiographie se charge des fonctions de propagande en utilisant le passé pour légitimer la politique du présent.

Les premieres informations de la Revolution au Japon

Ma communication se divisera en trois parties : 1) la première information de la Révoluton française apportée par des commerçants hollandais vers 1794-97, 2) l’adoration de Napoléon comme «libérateur de l’Europe » au premier moitié du 19e siècle, 3) Rousseau et la Révolution : guides du jiyu-minken-undou (mouvement pour la liberté et pour les droits civiques) dans les années 1870.
Au début du 17e siècle, le gouvernement d’Edo, dirigé par le Shogun de la famille Tokugawa, essaya de défendre l’arrivée des missionnnaires catholiques qui étaient considérés comme agents de l’invasion espagnole, et en 1641 il limita définitivement le commerce extérieur au navires hollandais et cela seulement un navire par an à Nagasaki (un port à l’extrème-ouest du Japon). Le capitaine du navire était obligé, en arrivant à Nagasaki, de présenter un rapport sur la situation mondiale au gouvernement d’Edo. Or, c’était seulement en 1794 que les hollandais rendirent compte de la Révoluton très brièvement et en 1797 ils apportèrent même une fausse information qui dit qu’à cause des insurrections des menus peuples français, il y eut une guerre entre la France et des autres pays européens mais que la paix était déjà rétablie. Les hollandais, en sachant la raison de la limitation du commerce extérieur au Japon, voulurent cacher le fait que leur pays était occupé par un pays catholique qu’est la France
Néansmoins les japonais commencent à savoir la guerre napoléonienne et on commence à traduire quelques biographies de Napoléon écirts (ou traduits) en hollandais à partir des années 1820. La nouvelle de la guerre de l’Opium(1840-42) et de la défaite de la Chine réveilla une conscience de crise aux jeunes samurais, qui se rendirent compte de la nécessité de la réforme politique au Japon, et ils rêvaient de devenir « Napoléon du Japon ». Celui-ci, considéré comme successeur de la Révoluton et libérateur de l’Europe, était issu, tout à fait comme ceux-là, d’une petite famille provinciale, ce qui ne l’a pas empêché de monter sur le trône d’empereur. Il est naturel que Napoléon devint héro des jeunes samurais japonais.
Après la chute du gouvernement de Tokugawa et la reprise du pouvoir par l’empereur Meiji (en 1868), quelques hommes politiques commencèrent le jiyu-minken-undou au milieu des années 1870. L’Histoire de la Révolution française d’Auguste Mignet et Le Contrat social de Jean-Jacques Rousseau furent traduits en japonais tous les deux en 1878 et ces deux livres devinrent le guide du mouvement pour la démocratisation.

Astrology and its practitioners and partners from the ancient to the medieval

Narratives of the New: Tales of the 'Authentic' in the Dutch Community in the long 1960s

The long sixties were years of decisive change in the religious history of the western world at large, in which the Netherlands played a remarkable and upfront role. Up to now, the changes have been perceived as secularization, but when analyzed from a historical perspective, it becomes apparent that they must be understood as a religious transformation process. Religious transformation was part and parcel of political and social change, and the conception of making a new world, be it one of a progressive or of a conservative nature. This understanding accounts for the enduring dominance of religion in the public domain, corrects the image of the Netherlands as the most secularized European country, and elucidates the ongoing power play between progressive and conservative religious radicals.
Three groups in particular played an important role, each fostering their own narratives of ‘the new’, in which tradition and reform were connected, thus legitimizing their respective existence and claims. Despite their different outlook, embedded in the same context, they claimed to represent the very essence of Catholicism. In all three of those groups, members of international religious orders were among the key protagonists.
Firstly, social scientists intervened in the ecclesiastical domain in order to reform the Church, and validate its existence in the modernizing world. The consultation of the faithful, regularly ordered by the bishops, and the mediation of the research results, fostered new and latently explosive narratives of crisis and renewal. These narratives addressed a more democratic Church, based on dialogue instead of hierarchal structures. Throughout the process of engineering, Catholic social scientists, featuring two Franciscans, presented ecclesiastical, pastoral, liturgical and cultural reforms as essential and vital elements of the Christian tradition, hereby connecting tradition and reform.
Secondly, radical (ex-)members of religious orders initiated or collaborated in pastoral innovation, leftist social movements, politics, or media. Inspired by the Vatican Council’s indication of their calling ‘on earth’, and by progressive political theologians, they started perceiving the ‘authentic’ Church as the People of God itself. These leading progressive radicals created a common denominator for public protest and a claim for a better world, accessible for non-believers and believers alike, inside and outside the Catholic Church.
Thirdly, Catholic conservatives reacted radically against the innovative aspirations of progressive Catholic factions. Though a pluriform group, they shared certain common characteristics, in particular their established socio-cultural position, their age, or their gender. They did not permissively tolerate and accommodate change but fought it by making their own tales of the new, defending the unity of the Church and claiming that religious authenticity was theirs alone.

Dealing with the Religious Past: Concepts of War and Peace during the Crusades.

The concept of Holy War as the basis for the idea of the crusade was a transformation from the peace seeking religion of early Christianity to the medieval notion of the papacy as "Crusading Peace". The past had to be remoulded to make the crusaders the heirs of Joshua and the Macabees, miles Christi fighting for the Holy Land. The church councils of peace- Pax Dei and treuga Dei were reinterpreted to accommodate crusader propaganda in a fighting society.
Meeting with the realities in the Holy Land, both the Franks and the Muslims had to learn to negotiate and make peace-treaties with their religious enemy. This was done by reinventing their religious past, the Muslim traditions of jihad and hudna, and the Christians by adopting the eastern heritage of diplomacy and peacemaking. Both Christians and Muslims shaped their identity according to a real or envisaged religious past that influenced their decisions in war and peace. One example was the way both sides saw Jerusalem as part of their religious heritage and the intensification of the city's holiness in their past and present. In 1229 the treaty between Frederick II and al-Kamil included the division of Jerusalem according to holy places, but both political leaders did not take into account that the religious past had changed and therefore their treaty was not acceptable to their people.

Apologising for Past Errors: Two Finnish Religious Awakening Movements and Their Different Strategies

The paper concentrates on the apologies, or recent discussion about the necessity of them, of two Finnish religious awakening movements.

The first case concerns Laestadianism, which came to be in the middle of the 19th century in the northern parts of Norway, Sweden and Finland. During the last couple of years there has been lively and occasionally heated discussion in
Finland about whether the present leadership of Laestadianism should apologise for the
so-called healing meetings which were common especially in the 1970s and were used to
discipline those who were regarded as having strayed from accepted practice and teaching.
The meetings have been experienced by many as spiritual violence or psychological
oppression, or both. There is strong resistance within Laestadianism to yield to these
demands to apologise.

The second case concerns the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission which was established in the latter half of the 1960s and is often also called the Fifth Awakening Movement to distinguish it from the four traditional Finnish religious
awakening movements which were all established in the 19th century. "The Fifth Movement"
was influenced to a great degree by the American Evangelical movement especially with its
emphasis on personal piety and evangelism. The movement's general secretary issued an apology in 2000 for all the mental and spiritual anguish the movement has caused for its adherents during its history in Finland.

I propose to analyse these two cases and compare the two movements' attitudes towards their own past.

Reinventing Protestant Roots in Norwegian 19th Century Christianity

The Paper will deal with the difficulties that Norwegian Lutherans had with their interpretation of the Reformation in the period of Nation-Building in late 19th century. The Norwegian Reformation was exceptional in a European context through its almost total lack of national connotations. There was no popular movement to prepare it in Norway, and politically as well as culturally (including questions of language) the Reformation first of all led to a submission under Denmark.

By studying Church History historiography in Norway in the Nation-Building period of the late 19th century, it turns out that Norwegian Historians and Church Historians in this period reinvented the Protestant Past by stressing the importance of the Christianization Period in the 11th Century much more than the Reformation of the 16th Century. The Christianization of Norway took place not from Rome, but from England; it promoted National Language and a proud National Identity, and could take over much of the national role which the Reformation could play in the Historiography of countries like Germany and Denmark of same period.

Traditions, continuities, and change: dealing with the religious past in the early English Reformation.

The English Reformation, particularly under Henry VIII, is noted for dramatic change, especially with the dissolution of the monasteries and the imposition of the royal supremacy. Yet, while the Henrician Reformation generated a state church, that church insisted on its continuity with the past, as the re-establishment of a pristine church by the elimination of an intervening period of usurped papal jurisdiction and theological decadence. There were major changes and breaks with the past, but the continuities, and the insistence on continuity, are important. Structural continuities had to be reconciled in due course with major transformations in theological, liturgical, and devotional activity; but this was a slow process. An important undercurrent to the debates and changes of the reign of Henry VIII is how much effort was put into not appearing to want to break with the past, but to insist on continuity and catholicity even while effecting change. This paper will examine some aspects of the different approaches to the past during these years, in an attempt to throw further light on the practical implementation of Reformation in early sixteenth-century England.

The Fall of Acre 1291 in the Court of Public Opinion

This will be part of one of three sessions booked by SSCLE (contact John France) on "The Falls of Acre: 1104, 1187, 1191, and 1291."
Drawing upon eastern and western sources, this paper will illustrate how the Fall of Acre in 1291 was "consturcted" and how that constuction shaped the crusading movement thereafter.

Identifying the Real Saviours of Acre in 1191

Although missing the fragment describing the battle for Acre in a German Third Crusader's eyewitness manuscript (De Itinere Navali), other information in the text and in contemporary chronicles has yielded clues to reconstructing the names and groupings of Crusaders at Acre during the Christians' moment of crisis. For as King Philip of France had abandoned the siege, the ranks were decimated by dysyntery and malaria; yet suddenly arrived 'many great ships of Danes and Germans' who captured Acre

Also in this crucible was created the Order of the German Knights of St. Mary (the Teutonic Order) from among those who created a field hospital of sails erected like tents. As that order grew in fame and power, many claimed to have been at Acre or just baselessly asserted Brotherhood in the Order!

The paper will construct a layered argument, allowing the audience to build upon well-known histories using the new discoveries I shall present.

Using the 'De Itinere Navali' MS in conjunction with contemporary chronicles and documentary evidence, this paper shall resolve the question of which Germanic-speaking Crusaders' groupings travelled by which method (land or sea); next, to determine the actual departure dates and sailing routes of the seaborne Crusaders, thereby establishing an order of arrival, at Acre and other ports; finally, to learn about third-party Crusading groups independently supporting the cause. Using Teutonic and Royal charters, I expect to identify over 15 groups of seaborne Crusaders as well as 200+ individual Crusaders.

[powerpoint slideshow]
[paper handout]

The besiege of Acre (1189-1191): An operational study

The besiege of the city of Acre, from 1189 to 1191, was one of the more important military operation to conquest a walled town in the Central Middle Ages, in general, and the Latin East, in particular.Thus, Acre is an excellent example to do a study of which were along those years the tactical tools for can taking an enemy strongpoint and, of course, the several siege technologies ad-hoc; in particular because the contemporary sources are abundant and detailed on this matter.

Perceptions of Language and Translation in 13th Century Acre

This paper will discuss perceptions of language and translation which existed in Acre during the discussed period, focusing on the unique ideas that have developed in the city, as well as on the connection between them and the cultural climate that characterized Frankish Acre and its environment.

The privatised landscape of research funding in Finland. Some personal reflections

The Academy of Finland, established in 1947, is the main funding institution for basic research in Finland, with more or less the same objectives and procedures as these of similar institutions in other countries. However, certainly in the humanities, the great majority of doctoral students and many postdoctoral researchers are dependent on (sometimes very) short-term scholarships from a great variety of private foundations, some of the most well-known being the Kone Foundation and the Finnish Cultural Foundation. In this presentation I will explain shortly the coming into being of such a privatised landscape of research funding and discuss in more detail the main advantages and disadvantages connected to it, all from a personal perspective. One of the unintended results is certainly the great gap and imbalance between the rhetoric and actual practice with regard to internationalisation and academic mobility.

Le premier programme de bourses d’études du gouvernement du Québec et son impact sur l’implantation des spécialités médicales dans les universités, 1920-1960

De 1920 à 1960, le gouvernement québécois a décerné 663 bourses à de jeunes diplômés et artistes québécois (francophones et anglophones, hommes et femmes) afin de leur permettre d’aller se perfectionner à l’étranger. Pendant les premières années, le gouvernement obligeait les boursiers à faire leurs études en Europe, ce système de financement s’est donc fait connaître sous le nom du programme des «bourses d’Europe». À partir de 1930, les boursiers pourront aller aux Etats-Unis et après 1937 dans toutes autres pys du monde.
Notre communication vise à jeter un éclairage sur ce premier programme québécois de bourses d’études supérieures. Nous nous voulons, plus particulièrement rendre compte du processus de transferts de «modèles». Plusieurs boursiers ont, en effet, acquis une formation qui les ont transformés socialement. Dans les laboratoires de grandes universités ou dans le cadre de séminaires, ils ont été familiarisés à des pratiques intimement liées à la recherche (publication dans des revues spécialisées, techniques de pointe, connaissances des théories dominantes dans une discipline, etc.). De retour au Québec, ils ont mis en pratique cet habitus dans les institutions qui les ont accueillis, souvent d’ailleurs en leur donnant des conditions privilégiées pour faciliter ce transfert. Nous présenterons ainsi quelques cas de figure dans les sciences biomédicales qui illustreront ce processus. La constitution d’un réseau de formation et d’échanges avec l’Europe et les Etats-Unis doit beaucoup au programmes des bourses d’Europe. Nous porterons notre attention sur les modèles médicaux qui façonnent le paysage particulier de la médecine et de la santé au Québec grâce aux médecins qui, de retour de l’étranger, implantent de nouvelles spécialisations ou techniques.

Transmigration of legal scholarship

Law is a wide field. Most people who are not lawyers have a tendency to identify the law with the more spectacular part of it, criminal law and the punishment of crimes. But law is much more. It is a vast field that covers men’s actions in all their variety. In some ways the law is never modern as old tools are still being used and basically it is all about finding the right meaning of words. But still the very tension between the positive law and the ideal law, the natural law has led to reflections of how to innovate methods of studying the law, and that is what this paper is about.

Legal studies have a long tradition. “Rome gave civilisation the law”, it has been said and that is a great truth. Roman law is the basis of European legal history and thus also the foundation on which legal education in continental Europe was built. It started in Bologna and the teaching methods of law introduced in Bologna for a long time were seen as authoritative.

We may say that the origin of a new scientific way of looking at the law must be found in Northern Italy around 1100. Then the law faculty was created, the law professor, the legal method and also a brand new legal system, Canon law. In later European legal tradition we know the new way of thinking the law as the ius commune opposed to the ius proprium peculiar to each place. The core of the study of law was the ius commune. The study of law therefore in its origin had all the possibilities of being international. It was not linked to any national system or customary law. It was a systematic and analysing study on the basis of either the Roman law as it was known from what later was called the Corpus iuris civilis or the Canon law which was codified in the books contained in the corresponding Corpus iuris anonici. The ius commune became the law that was to be applied if it could not be proved that some other rule or norm prevailed. Therefore the ius commune that affected legal thinking all over Europe also in Countries like the Nordic countries where Roman law as such was never introduced or considered the law of the land.

However European legal scholarship also later has been formed on the basis of transmigration of legal ideas. In this paper we will follow some of the most important common features of European legal thinking and discuss to which degree this has lead to a unity in European legal thinking.

Marxist historiography in postwar Japan

A short discussion of the development of Marxist historiography in Japan and the challenges it has faced from the 1950s to the present.

A Summary on the Development of Marxist Historiography in China during Recent Thirty Years

As we all know, since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Marxist historiography had
occupied a mainstream current status in Chinese history studies. However, its development is far from being smooth and easy. Especially, during the period of Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), along with other social and humanity sciences, history study had been almost totally destroyed. In the latter years of Cultural Revolution, history study experienced “renaissance” on the surface. Actually, the study was twisted and deformed and could be called “Allusion History” characterized by over-simplified, “revolutionized” face which served the political purpose of the “Gang of Four”. After the Cultural Revolution and especially after the opening time since 1978, along with the “wakeup” of history study, Marxist historiography again becomes the mainstream of history.

It is not easy to observe the process of development of Marxist historiography in China in one paper. In order to give you a clear glimpse in so short a time, we will concentrate on the development of the history theory of Marxist historiography for one of the most important characteristics of Marxist historiography lies in its emphasis on THEORY.

On the development of Marxist historiography theory, we can see that its development process is not smooth and easy, but with up-and-downs. Roughly, its development in recent 30 years can be divided into three phases. The first phase is from 1978 to the late 1980s, and the characteristic of this phase is that there were a lot heated discussions aiming at bringing order out of chaos created by the Cultural Revolution and the “Gang of Four”. The discussions were mainly on the big issues of Marxist historiography theory. However, those discussed issues were old ones and produced few innovative works. Moreover, with the heat wave of introducing western new history, more and more western Marxist historiography works were introduced. However, those works were mainly done by British historians, specifically, done by E. P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. Furthermore, the introduction of works and thoughts of western new history was not combined with the study on history theory and Chinese history.

We can see that, at this stage, the main topics were dynamic of history development, social formation, Asian mode of production, the relationship between description and analysis, history and present reality. It is not necessary here to introduce all the discussions in detail. Here, We
would introduce the discussion on Asian mode of production, so you can get a glimpse. The discussion on Asian mode of production initiated from 1981 when at that time a special conference was held in Tianjin, thus opened the overture of the discussion. The discussion on Asian mode of production has not been withered until 1990s. We remember when the discussion was initiated at 1981, at the meeting; some participants of the meeting had no end of worries and dared not to speak in a frank and plain way. For some of them reminded themselves with the sad fortune of those scholars who discussed this issue at 1950s. Those scholars were categorized as “Trots” (托派) for they argued there existed Asian mode of production. However, this time was different and this ridiculous situation would not repeat for China has developed. With a bird eye on the discussion, there were three main viewpoints: 1, Asian mode of production is one of the stages of social and history development, but hard to put it into a specific stage for some scholars conclude it as “primitive”, some “slavery” and some even “feudal”. 2, Asian mode of production is only available in Orient and it is not to be concluded into any of the five social formations which are familiar with historians. 3, Asian mode of production is a notion used by Marx at his early academic years, and he abandoned the notion later on. We can see that the time range for the discussion is quite long and discussion itself is heat too, however with no unified conclusion.

The second stage is 1990s. At this time, the study on Marxist historiography theory experienced a setback for as we know Soviet Union collapsed at 1991, as a result, international socialism and Marxism encountered with crisis and low tide. Furthermore, international history study transformed too. “New History” was doubted at 1980s and international history brewed new transformation. Domestically, the tasks of “bringing order out of chaos” and fighting “Cultural Revolution” had been accomplished basically. However, it is hard to arrive uinified viewpoints on how to attain further development. So, there existed a phenomenon to avoid using theory and to go back to “Text logy” and even back to Qianlong and Jiaqing time. No wonder we hear one scholar say “there is no such a time like 1990s when there are no problem among the recent fifty years China history study”.

The third stage is since 2000. At this time, the interest on Marxist historiography theory again experienced high tide. The characteristics of this stage are, the interest on Marxist historiography theory has been raising and there are more and more discussion and analysis in depth than ever before. For example, concerning social formation and as a further discussion begun with the first stage (from 1978 to the late 1980s) when raised the issues like “Single Line Theory” and “Multi-line Theory”, more discussions are heard. And there are heated discussions on the notion of “feudal society”, on whether or not feudal production mode raised by Marx is universal, and on the essence of “the feudal society” after Qing dynasty. Furthermore, as connected to the prevailing international discussion on “Global History” and “Globalization Theory”, there are more works and comparative analysis appeared on the world history theory of Marx. Concerning the introduction of western Marxist historiography, it developed a lot than before. As we can see that, beside British Marxist historiography, American and Canadian etc. Marxist historiography are incorporated into. More importantly, some viewpoints and methods initiated by western Marxist
historians, such as “New Social History” and “History from Above” have been adopted by some Chinese historians and applied them into the study of Chinese history studies.

The influence of Marxism in historical wriitngs of the Mediterranean world

A short discussion of the development of Marxist historiography in the Mediterranean and the challenges it has faced from the 1950s to the present.

Developments of Marxist historiography in the modern West

A short discussion of the development of Marxist historiography in Euro-America and the challenges it has faced from the 1950s to the present.

The (anti-) Marxist Geistesgeschichte of the Eastern European Communist Parties

There are two seemingly controversial approaches to and of the history of the East- and Central European Communist Parties. The first (most recently not too frequently used one) is the so called Communist eschatological approach to the subject that has become a kind of “canon” after the communist takeovers in the region; the second is the anti-Communist conspiracy theory on the subject developed mostly in the period of the Cold War. There are “surprisingly” parallel elements in these approaches that are characteristic for both the official Communist and anti-Communist historiographies. The most important parallel element that is never absent in them is the “re-construction” of a mythical “Great Plan” allegedly written by Marx or in most of the cases by Lenin’s What has to be done? My case study concerns the official party histories of those parties which were forced to admit openly the actual crisis of the system. (Czechoslovakia 1968, Poland 1980-82, Soviet Union 1986-1991, Hungary 1988-89). I focus on the question, how Leninist type of parties and their official partisan historians coped with the task of historical explanation of the actual crisis. In other words: how they re-interpreted the Great Plan in the crisis periods if crises could never take place according to plan. In all cases parties that admitted the actual crisis formed a special committee to rewrite the official party-historical canon. I will compare their works and make some rather sad conclusions. How the primitive eschatology, based on the Stalinist Short Course, was replaced in every case by a "modernized" partisan economic history. How the heroic (party-) histories (often of martirs) turned into the re-interpretation of "historical necessity". In other words, how the martirology as an exlusive genre turned into economic history as a main trend od history writing. Since the above mentioned crisis was not ever to take place according to the "Great (mythical) Plan".
Of course the representatives of the above mentioned genres - despite their self definitions - have never been Marxists. On the agenda were always the hidden conservation of Gesitesgeschichte and/or positivism as the sole existing academic frameworks of historical explanation. It is not by chance that the last allegedly Marxist party- and partisan historians of the "Soviet bloc" easily came up with the apology of (in most of the cases STATE-) capitalism.

Marxist Historiography in Latin America

The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to give a brief account of the ebb and flow of Marxist historiography in Latin America since the end of the Second World War; and second, to provide a synchronic analysis of salient features of this writing during the last twenty years.

More concretely, the first part of the paper, will describe the development of Marxist historical writing between 1945 and 2010. At the same time, it will trace the impact on it of the works of Carlos Mariategui, a Peruvian thinker, who put together a Latin American version of Marxism in the 1920s, which has been extremely influential ever since. In doing so, I hope to question the widely held idea that Latin American Marxist history is largely derivative in terms of concepts and methodology. I shall argue that a close analysis of this literature reveals an intellectual independence that needs to be recognized.

The second part of the paper will concentrate on three aspects of Latin American Marxist history as it is practiced today. To begin with, it will use the work of Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, a Bolivian author, to bring to light a “creative eclecticism”, which is one of the main characteristics of this literature. Then it will describe the organization of the Centro de Documentación e Investigación de la Cultura de Izquierdas en Argentina (Centre for the documentation and research on the leftist culture in Argentina) in order to give the reader an idea of the process of institutionalization of Marxist historiography in the region. Finally, it will analyze the work of Carlos Aguirre Rojas, a Mexican historian, to illustrate what Latin American Marxists are doing in a new academic field: the history and theory of historiography.

Marx, Mao and modern Indian historiography

A short discussion of the development of Marxist historiography in India and the challenges it has faced from the 1950s to the present.

The Brazilian Diplomacy in the 20/21th Century and the Geographic Surrounding Neighbors

Brazilian republican regime established in the last years of the 19th century brought a “turning point” into its foreign policy in order to raise the value of the hemispheric relations, mainly with the hegemonic great power and surrounding geographic neighbors. The frustrations, above all, national differences impelled to alternations between estrangement and new approaches to neighborhood caused by external forceful influence and international point of view of national governmental power groups. Integrationist ideal manifestation was sustained by rhetorical more than by specific convergent interests. When they occurred, the commercial and physical integration advanced and supplanted national rival difficulties. At the close of the 20th century and the first decade of the present century, the relationships with the surrounding geographic nations added weight in Brazilian foreign policy by internal and external reasons, mainly the national interest perception of the political system. At the present time, with the ideological tendency of some South American political leaders, new problems have been placed and require a supplementary diplomatic effort of Brazilian foreign policy in order to sustain its pretension to the leadership of the South America. Despite the slow progress in political and economic aspects, the integration in the cultural an educational terms has been successful and contributed to the mutual knowledge and to soften the rivalry.

Transferts Culturels et Enjeux Politiques: Le Soft Power Américain dans L’Espagne Franquiste

La distinction entre le hard power et le soft power des États-Unis (le premier caractérisé par sa capacité de coaction —militaire ou économique—, le deuxième par sa volonté de persuasion ou de séduction) devient très utile en tant qu’élément explicatif de l’influence nord-américaine en Europe occidentale, surtout à partir de la guerre froide.
Dans cette communication, on abordera l’exemple de l’Espagne après la signature des Pactes hispano-américains de 1953, dans le but d’analyser la façon d’agir des deux pouvoirs, ainsi que leurs objectifs, leur degré de complémentarité et comment ont-ils favorisé, ou bien empêché, la politique extérieure des États-Unis. La présence militaire nord-américaine en Espagne, la pénétration de ses entreprises et de ses techniques, s’est simultanée avec la diffusion de son soft power à travers des programmes d’échange culturel, éducatif et scientifique —notamment le programme Fulbright. Ces derniers ont essayé de fidéliser les élites politiques, entrepreneuriales et culturelles espagnoles, par le moyen d’une exposition au modèle américain et de l’imprégnation des valeurs de celui-ci.
Cette analyse nous amènera au noyau de la paradoxe du pouvoir américain dans sa projection extérieure. D’un côté, il existe un long courant d’antiaméricanisme parmi l’opinion publique espagnole, issu des effets du hard power des États-Unis –Accords militaires au temps du Franquisme et ses conséquences. De l’autre, les productions culturelles et scientifiques américaines, ainsi que l’irradiation de son savoir faire en matière de gestion d’entreprises ou de marketing politique, ont réussi à une acceptation élevée parmi la société espagnole.

Views of the Foreign Press in Japan of its Own Role in the Modernization of Japan in the 1870s

The papers themselves set much store by the role being played by the foreign press in Japan. This included the exercise of continuous criticism along European lines and based on European principles, criticism which would reach the ruling and educated classes and even influence them. It was this, to one extent or other that had pushed forward the transformation that had taken place in Japan and which had aroused such admiration and sympathy throughout the world. For this reason the papers felt the position of the press to be an exceptional one, the like of which could not be found in India, Hong Kong or Sanghai. The papers claimed that they had exercised their right to freedom of speech in the best interests of the Japanese people.

Catholic Cultural Models in some Protestant and Orthodox Areas at the End of 16th Century

The author intends to present, on the base of some new chronicle texts discovered in the Correr Library from Venice, the impact of the politic and military confrontations from northern Italy on the general evolution of Central Europe. The dispute between the political and religious power has a very peculiar aspect in a state whose leader was in the same time patriarch and prince. This rivalry included both the Emperor and the Pope, because the Patriarchate of Aquileia has gained its own personality, its own policy and even its own religious rite, diverse from the Roman one. It is underlined the role of Filippo Scolari, count of Timis/Temes (Romania) at the beginning of the 15-th century. This political, religious and military war from northern Italy implied numerous factors, as the Empire, the Pope, local states, the Kingdom of Hungary and even some Byzantine realities, and, finally, it is an expression of the continental diversity.

Brazilian Thought and Regional Integration in the 20th century

This paper aims to analyse how some schools of thought perceive the issue of Brazil’s relations with neighbouring countries and regional integration. Our focus is on the second half of the 20th century. The following themes are discussed: the role of the State, the vision for the country, nationalism, economic development and underdevelopment, international recognition and the perception of the neighbours. We seek to understand the idea of specificity that evolved over time in Brazil, and how, with the 1980s, there came an acceptance of the existence of a community of interests with the countries of the Southern Cone and South America.
Brazilian ideas are influenced by the country’s continental dimension and aspiration to having an outstanding role in the international setting. This perception is influenced by History itself, by the formation of the State and of the territory.
Brazilian geopolitical thinkers of the 1950s and 1960, such as Golbery do Couto e Silva (1967), made the national interest the axis of their concerns. Also during this period, the concept of development as formulated by members of the Higher Institute of Brazilian Studies (ISEB) did not see integration with neighbouring countries as a fundamental component. In their eyes, the main concern, with a view to the national interest, was national integration.
The Brasil-potência (Brazil as a great power) idea was seminal to the National Security Doctrine, of major importance during the military regime (1964-85). The national-developmentalist conception and the import substitution model of industrialization, as well as the readings made by some of the theses of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), strengthened the national perspective on development and international projection.
From the time of the Second World War, the problem of development and underdevelopment, the issue of industrialization and the debates around the participation of foreign capital in the country’s economy were focused on a strictly national logic. In the field of international projection, the debate centred on the need for a more independent foreign policy, with less alignment to the United States. During the 1980s, in the midst of the process of re-democratization, the theme and the possibility of regional integration emerged more concretely in the perception of part of Brazil’s intellectuals.
In this paper, we analyse the ISEB, the independent foreign policy, responsible pragmatism, the doctrine of the Brazil National War College (ESG), the way in which CEPAL’s ideas were absorbed in Brazil and the conceptions of Brazilian intellectuals linked to dependency theory. Lastly, we look at more recent ideas, related with integration. In the final remarks, we argue that in the 19th and in most of the 20th century the regional question was not a central concern. But there have been changes since the 1980s, pointing to the incorporation of regional integration as an issue of major intellectual and political weight.

From Japonism to Neo-Japonism: Transformation of Cultural Influence as Soft Power

Today, the popularity of Japanese culture is growing among European people, in particular Japanese pop-culture in the young generation. The actual widespread popularity of Japanese culture named Neo-Japonisme was unthinkable until the 1980s, even though there had historically been a considerable number of intellectuals who were interested in Japanese civilization and culture. My objective is to historically and thematically seek what the today’s popularity of Japanese culture has been based on.
Indeed, Japanese culture historically influenced the occidental culture and a considerable number of western people like the impressionists and then so-called Japonologues appreciated Japanese cultural taste. Such traditional skill, national habit and way of thinking as Wabi, Sabi and Ukiyoe(Japanese woodlock print) inspired some European people since the second half of the 19th century.
As regard to the diffusion and influence of some national culture to others, we recognize some essential elements; particularity (difference), variety, universality and globalization.
The first is the cultural difference and particularity, in other words, a strong national identical character. We can easily distinguish between one and others with such differentiated particularity. The second is the universality upon which another culture accepted by other peoples is based, such universal concepts as fairness, mutuality, friendship and love.

Images, échanges et identité dans l'Asie mineure antique : le cas lycien

Située dans le Sud de l’Asie mineure, la Lycie s’ouvre aux échanges de manière nette (importation de céramique grecque en quantité, par exemple) quand elle devient partie intégrante de l’empire perse, peu après le milieu du VIe siècle avant J.-C.. Elle est une aire qui s’ouvre et se confronte à d’autres mondes, grec et perse notamment. Tout en se définissant ainsi comme une terre de contacts, elle se caractérise par une forte identité à la fois culturelle et ethnique. Une série d’éléments a permis de « reconstituer une carte d’identité ethnique des Lyciens »* : un nom, une langue, une mythologie et un panthéon, des caractéristiques sociales et culturelles dont témoignent des sources littéraires grecques et l’archéologie (architecture funéraire). Dans ces mêmes éléments, les signes de cette ouverture se ressentent : alphabet lycien dérivé de l’alphabet grec ; assimilation de divinités locales à des divinités grecques ; architecture des tombes rupestres intégrant des éléments de l’architecture religieuse grecque.
Les images produites à partir du VIe siècle avant J.-C., reliefs des monuments dont la destination dominante est funéraire (piliers, sarcophages, tombes rupestres, par exemple), offrent un champ de recherche fécond pour la connaissance du fonctionnement identitaire lycien. C’est celui que j’ai décidé d’explorer. Autour des images lyciennes, les questions d’échanges et d’identité se rencontrent de manière sensible. En effet, l’étude détaillée du corpus montre que les Lyciens créent leurs images en mêlant style d’inspiration grecque, motifs iconographiques grecs et perses, motifs lyciens. Echanges d’objets qui sont supports d’images, circulation des hommes, choix des commanditaires lyciens (en lien avec des croyances, des pratiques culturelles et sociales, locales, un contexte politique local et régional) conduisent à une production d’images originales, proprement lyciennes.
Si l’examen des images lyciennes et les comparaisons avec celles d’autres corpus antiques font clairement ressortir l’existence de sources étrangères et les emprunts à ces autres iconographies, l’archéologie lycienne a peu offert jusqu’à aujourd’hui d’éléments matériels qui éclairent le déroulement du phénomène. Ainsi, transmission de motifs il y a, mais son mode et ses acteurs sont difficilement palpables par l’archéologue et l’historien. C’est ce qui fait aussi la particularité du cas lycien, qui ouvre ainsi de nombreuses questions sur les processus d’échanges et de création d’artefacts, autour de la mobilité des artisans et de la circulation de cartons, dans les mondes méditerranéens anciens.
Nous proposons de mener la réflexion à partir de plusieurs exemples concrets puisés dans l’iconographie des piliers funéraires du VIe siècle av. J.-C. et dans les représentations des êtres et des animaux fabuleux des monuments sculptés des Ve et IVe siècles av. J.-C..

The Idea of Cultural Hybridity in Premodern China with Reference to European Ideas

This article offers a preliminary study of the concept of hybridity. It traces the etymological roots of the word and its link with corporate globalism, followed by the discussion of its usage in the exploration of social identity and of its progressive meanings in cultural politics.
The paper also explores the similar mode of thinking in Chinese thought, focusing especially on the classical Chinese idea of和而不同 (Mixing but maintaining difference, diversity and heterogeneity ). It argues that the idea was related to a rationalist (Confucian) position in dealing with cultural heterogeneity and political conflicts.
The paper describes the productive consequence of cultural and ethnic hybridization in Chinese history，contending that multiculturalism and religious tolerance coexisted with the notion of Unitarianism and Sino-centric culturalism. It noticed that a learning regarding the hybridization of divergent thought and practices was developed and syncretism was a major pattern in the evolution of Chinese philosophy.

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Future of research into Parliamentary History

This paper aims at provoking discussion about the future evolution of parliamentary and representative studies

Honour and reputation in the Spanish parliamentary rhetoric during the 19 th century.

The criminal vision of women in nineteenth century Spain follows the model of women based on patriarchal concepts, focusing on protecting the integrity and maintenance of family and social order. This is established during the parliamentary discussion of the Spanish Penal Code of 1848