Humanism and Anti-Humanism in Europe's Historical Culture

The paper looks at the darker side of humanism in Europe's historical culture, focusing on the contemporary period, and exploring the abuses of the notion of 'humanism' by authoritarian and (would-be) totalitarian regimes, under the impact of modernism and its negative double, anti-modernism.

"Light, Truth, Education": History in European Humanism

1. The education of the ideal speaker must equip him with “all antiquity and a wealth of historical examples”, thus argues M. Tullius Cicero (106-43 BCE). He extols history’s power and achievements in a short hymn: history sheds light on the dark shades of past times (lux veritatis); history is a witness (testis) in a trial which should bring to light the whole truth; history is the living force of memory and the adviser of human life. Being a part of rhetoric history became an important element of general education in Western Europe. A man called “umanista” (first instances in the 15th century) is a teacher occupied with poiesis, rhetorica, historia, and moralis scientia. It is the education system which the names of the profession (umanista) and of the program (humanismus) are derived from.
2. The Stoic doctrine of man introduces Nature dressing him up with the general role (persona – mask) of a rational being and with the specific role (propria persona) of an individual. The third role which Nature imposes is called “situation, chance, time” (casus et tempus). In this doctrine, then, time ranks with mind, individuality, free will as constituents of the human being. Man is conceived of as imperfect in body and mind, shaped by time, destined do make progress (prokopé; pro-gredi).
3. On a third level history is a structural element in humanism itself. The rhetorical and philosophical traditions just mentioned and a considerable bulk of scientific chronology (Eusebius – Hieronymus) and historiography (Aristotle, Tacitus) were embedded in modern European humanism. Its very structure evokes, again and again, the awareness of historical distance and cultural difference: Greco-Roman culture is our nearest stranger.
Comparative research will check if this crucial role of history – in education, in the anthropological concept of man, in the very structure of humanism – is a necessary precondition for a world view, a tradition, an ethical system to be classified as “humanism”.

Humanism in India and its Muted Response in History

Despite the existence of humanitarian concerns and a great many humanists in the long course of Indian history, humanism in the sense of Western movement, by and large, did not emerge in India. India’s contacts with the Colonial powers did result in modernization and socio-cultural reforms; latter through various enlightened thinkers and humanists of the land in the 19th and 20th centuries. Indian thinkers did develop even from earlier times their own forms of humanism, some within the overall orthodox tradition, while others were focused on ethical virtues, independent of theistic ideologies, such as Buddhism, Jainism or even the extreme materialist systems of thought, such as the Carvaka and the Lokayata philosophies.
Colonial contacts unfortunately did not result in mutual sharing of the finer humanistic values of the two traditions; India was exposed to a rather coarser form of Western humanism that was not particularly appealing either to the Indian masses or to the intellectuals. An intercultural dialogue between India and the modern Europe is possible if the limits of humanism are stretched, though within the rationalist framework, i.e. if Western humanism could be viewed in its wider perspective – as a form of system redesigning since Italian Renaissance against what was perceived as a stagnant ‘order’ dominated by religious and feudal institutions. Contrary to the expectations of Empiricist historians of a changeless India, the five thousand year old Indian history has witnessed at least seven major phases of system redesigning, two of which, viz., the Bronze Age Indus Valley urban civilization and the Iron Age second urbanization since the time of the Buddha, were comparable at least in spirit, if not in detail, to what happened in late Medieval Europe. But in none of the seven cases one finds any tendency of absolute suppression or elimination of earlier traditions. Indian civilization with all its cultural diversity is known for acceptance and retention of different cultural forms, including the foreign elements that appeared from time to time to strengthen the cultural vitality of India.
It will be elaborated in the end that official or professional history, understood as a narrative of linear human progress, has generally been insensitive in dealing with extraordinary, traumatic events resulting in large-scale human suffering in India. It is humanism that complements history particularly in matters where history in its zeal to march forward shows little inclination to pause and retraumatize or mourn over such events. The problem of untold human miseries – large-scale killings, rape and abduction of women for example, as a result of partition of the British India is conveniently defused by highlighting points of celebration in the two countries and future courses of development. Pain and suffering constitute a forgotten source of Western historical consciousness that needs to be revived in order to prevent history from undergoing further derailment.

Concept and "Restitution" of History - Octavio Paz' Postcolonial Humanism

In Latin America postcolonial experiences have been accumulated for about 200 years. The intellectual debates these experiences have stimulated are especially rich and sophisticated. However, they are hardly taken into account in the recent debates about postcolonialism.
In my paper I would like to focus on the Mexican writer and poet Octavio Paz, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1990. Although Paz is known outside of Mexico, his work has not been systematically discussed until recently. His most important essay The Labyrinth of Solitude, has long been understood as a contribution to the Mexican debate about national identity. However, most parts of it present an interesting assessment of Mexican history from a postcolonial perspective.
In my paper I will address this postcolonial reading of the Mexican history that Paz is proposing. I will pay special attention to his reading of Mexico's colonial history.

Humanism in the Perspective of Gender Studies

The intellectual project of humanism is confronted with the issues of differences and equality. While it was proclaimed as the study of ‘man’, it faces the diversity of human conditions and identities according to gender, ethnicity, class and cultures. Gender studies have contended with these differences and with resulting inequalities. The paper aims for a mutual reflection of humanism and feminism in exchanging their contributions to this challenge. It will be substantialised by analysing the tensions of cultural conflicts in the context of gender and migration.

Humanism as History in Contemporary Africa

The socio-political imagination of contemporary Africa is usually beckoned upon a deconstruction of historiography - usually colonial history. At which point, African history would become a history of humanism. Drawing example from the South African experience, ubuntu emerged into the national consciousness as a displacement narrative of apartheid discourse. Where apartheid (just as colonialism) denied persons of African origin human dignity, ubuntu gains emotional legitimacy by (1) acting as a displacement narrative to apartheid discourse and (2) offering a new method of history that thrives on humanization of African historiography.

La construction européenne et les limitations de la souveraineté nationale : convergences et divergences franco-britanniques.

La création des communautés européennes puis de l'Union Européenne a comme visée une intégration des économies et des structures financières des états (processus d'intégration sectorielle confirmé par les traités de Maastricht, Amsterdam et Nice). Dans ces secteurs la souveraineté des états membres est limitée par les délégations de compétences ou les compétences partagées, cependant dans le domaine plus sensible de la défense et de la sécurité c'est le principe de la coopération qui l'emporte. De 1951 à nos jours la France et la Grande-Bretagne ont eu des réponses différenciées qui seront évoquées dans la communication.

Ideologie et politique. L'Etat-nation, sa conception, ses influences givergentes au terrain politique

Etat et Nation dans les règlements de Paix de 1919/1920

Analysis of the relationship between state and nation under the conditions of the quest for a new international order after 1918.

Construction européenne et Etats nations au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale

Il s'agit de réfléchir au thème de la limitation de la souveraineté nationale au travers de la phase initiale de la construction européenne. L'Europe communautaire contre l'Etat nation ?

Europe Centre-Orientale apres 1945: la question de la souverainete de l'Etat et de la continuite du systeme legal-cas polonais

Evidemment, la Pologne apres 1944 n'etait independante et souveraine; le texte mene de la Constitution de 1952 etait personnellemt corrige pan Stalin.
Apres 1989 la question de continuite et legalite du system de droit etait tres discute par les juristes. le resultat etait non pan l'invalidation total deu systeme juridique, mais sar reconstruction et modification.

The Advance of New Technology: Re-Appraising the Progress of the Steamship in the Nineteenth Century.

The shift from sail to steam during the nineteenth century is one of the great watersheds in maritime history. It was truly a revolution and because of this the literature on the transition both generally, and on a national case study basis, is immense. This paper appraises both the historiography and the conclusion that generally, and particularly in the case of Britain - the pioneer of steam and the first national mercantile fleet to undergo the transition - the process was slow and gradual. The seminal works of such writers as Graham, Harley, Greenhill, Gardner, Kaukianen, Palmer, Starkey and many others are reviewed. Past approaches in terms of subjectivity and bias, measures utilised, the appropriateness of assessing progress through comparisons with sail within national fleets and the significance of specific trades and routes are all considered. Besides critically examining modern scholarly views of the transition, the paper also considers how contemporaries viewed the progress of steam, an aspect that we believe has been seriously neglected in past assessments. Our conclusion is likely to suggest a re-appraisal of past interpretations of one of the great themes of maritime history and maritime historical research.

“The First Battle of the Atlantic: Competition for the North Atlantic Bulk Cargo Trades, 1850-1914”

The repeal of the British Navigation Acts came at a time when the hegemony of the UK in world merchant shipping was being challenged by the United States, and a number of commentators in Britain expressed the fear that the American fleet would soon overtake the British. In fact, the opposite occurred: before the end of the 1850s the US deep-sea merchant marine began to decline, a trend that was exacerbated by the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861 and the passage of some unfavourable legislation almost immediately thereafter. At the same time, continued growth in investment enabled the United Kingdom to maintain a fairly consistent share of world tonnage up to World War I. A significant share of British tonnage was concentrated in the lucrative North Atlantic trades, which became even more important with the onset of a significant boom in exports from the United States after the late 1860s. But the relative withdrawal of the American fleet did not leave an open field for British shipowners because the new openness in international trade triggered by the repeal of the Navigation Acts and the movement towards free trade spawned increasing competition from a host of relatively low-cost cross-traders.

This paper will examine the competition that ensued after the mid-nineteenth century in the North Atlantic trades. It will examine in particular the battle for the burgeoning bulk trades with the UK and Europe emanating from the rapidly growing US economy. Using a variety of sources, especially from the US, Britain and Norway, most of which have never before been used in quite this way, the essay will delineate and explain the shifting patterns of this competition. The analysis will shed new light on the competitiveness of merchant shipping in the world’s most important sea lanes during the period in which the modern international economy first came into being.

Baltic Shipping and Trade, 1497-1857

One of the Western world’s most important waterways was the Sound, through which passed all shipping between Western Europe and the Baltic. This shipping and trade is documented in the famous Sound Toll Registers which are kept today from 1497 to 1857. The importance of this source material is proved by the fact that UNESCO, in 1997, included it in the prestigious Memory of the World Register.
My paper will discuss the international shipping in and out of the Baltic, as it can be described by using the information in the Sound Toll Registers, 1497-1857. The presentation will include such aspects as shipping volume, sailing routes, seasonal variations, and nationalities of vessels, as well as carreers of the skippers. In addition to these purely maritime aspects, my presentation will touch briefly upon the patterns of Baltic trade through the centuries. A general survey of this kind, covering three-and-a-half centuries, has never been carried out before.
My intention is also to direct the attention of maritime historians to the fact that all information from the Sound Toll Registers concerning the 1.7 million ships’ passages through the Sound, 1497-1857, is now being entered into a database. This project is a cooperation between the Danish National Archives (which keeps the original records) and the University of Groningen and other Dutch research institutions (which have raised the funding and provided the manpower). The project was begun in 2008 and is expected to be finished in 2011 when the database will be accessible via the internet.

The Cryolite Shipping from Greenland to North America

One of the few resources of international relevance available on Greenland in the first half of the 20th century was cryolite. This mineral was not only crucial for the production of aluminum but more important: The only known deposit worldwide was in South-West Greenland. The cryolite mine at Ivittuut was operated by a Danish – North American consortium since the 19th century and the mineral was shipped to Europe and North-America onboard Danish or US vessels.
During the 1930s cryolite gained international relevance because of the growing relevance of aluminum for the aircraft industries and especially the production of military air-craft. Finally the cryolite mine at Ivittuut became one of the reasons for US military operations on and off Greenland during WW II.
First the proposed paper will introduce how the cryolite shipping from Greenland was organized during the interwar period under the Danish colonial regime.
The following main part of the paper will discuss how this shipping changed at the dawn of WW II and more important why and how US Coast Guard vessels operated against German forces in this particular theatre of war even before the war between Germany and the USA was officially declared. Furthermore the paper will demonstrate how the US used international institutions like the International Ice Patrol (IIP, established at the SOLAS London conference 1913/14) as a pretext for naval operations off Greenland before the actual declaration of war.
Finally the paper will analyze the role of US Coast Guard, US Navy and US Merchant Marine vessels for the transformation of the near stone-age society of the Greenlandic Inuit towards a modern western-style society.

‘Elite and popular devotion in the cult of English saints, c.600-1000’

In this paper, I will explore the question of how far it is possible to distinguish popular devotion from elite devotion in the period 600-1000, when the written sources available all stem from the religious elite. I look at notions of popular religion and at different types of saints' cults in England before 1000.

Sainteté catholique et protestante aux XVIe-XVIIe siècles

Le protestantisme refuse la vénération des saints. Pourtant il propose certains hommes en modèle. Il s'agit de voir quels modèles sont présentés et l'usage qui en ait fait. Une comparaison pourra être effectuée avec l'évolution du modèle catholique de sainteté à la même époque.

"Saints" and "Icons" of Modern Sport

The later nineteenth century saw the emergence of a new kind of sports star, admired not only for his skill, speed, strength and endurance, but for more spiritual virtues. At a time of mass religious and political mobilisation and also of intense nationalism, sport became one of the principal arenas for international and ideological rivalry, and sportsmen were seen to be fighting for the honour of their nation, their ethnic group, their church or their political party. Sporting exploits thus became material for political and religious propaganda; sporting heroes came to be seen as embodiments of the finest qualities of a wider community, and to provide the favoured role-models for the young. While none may have been formally canonised, they might be seen as the saints of an era in which the most universally recognised achievements were those in the field of sport. Meanwhile modern sport was developing its own repertoire of virtues and its own saints, identified with no specific religion or ideology, except in the sense that in the eyes of many sport was the new religion of the twentieth century. The cult attached to some of the most revered of these saints included pilgrimages to the place of their death and the leaving of ex votos by those who attributed their own sporting successes to the deceased star’s inspiration. At the same time there appeared a new kind of sporting hero, the ‘icon’, whose beauty was more physical than moral, and whose powers were mainly deployed in the interests of advertising. From small beginnings in earlier decades this phenomenon grew to reach full flowering in the last years of the twentieth century.

"Let Them Exhibit Holiness": Vestments and Clerical Sanctity in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries

This paper will connect the artistic and material evidence for changes in liturgical vestments to new claims advanced by the “Gregorian” reform for clerical sanctity.

Surviving garments and documentary sources reveal a new opulence in liturgical attire from the early tenth century. Vestments increasingly featured the use of precious Byzantine and Islamic silks with intricate woven patterns and embroidered decorative elements using silk and gold-coated thread. This change in the material culture of the secular clergy developed out of Carolingian exegetical fascination with the description of the high priest’s garments in Exodus 28 and attempts to instil clerical virtues through instruction in and reflection upon the liturgy and liturgical garb.

Interestingly, although we know that such fabrics and artisanal skills were abundant in Rome across the early Middle Ages, they are not used for liturgical vestments until the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Their visual representation in frescoes and mosaics, moreover, links the embrace of these new fashions in Rome with reform agendas, particularly regarding the status of the clergy. The paper will focus especially upon the frescoes in the lower basilica of San Clemente and the apse mosaic of Santa Maria in Trastevere. In these works, clerics – even those in minor orders – are visually assimilated to saints through their opulent liturgical attire and sometimes even through the absence of halos. These representations of the clergy articulate the same principles enunciated in reform legislation: the Second Lateran Council in 1139 enjoined the clergy to “exhibit holiness” in their attire.

Startsy and popular notions of holiness in nineteenth-century Russian Orthodoxy

The prominence of elders (startsy) whose ministry was largely informal in nineteenth century Russian church, point to the persistence of early Christian notions of holiness as eloquently described by Peter Brown. The survival or, more precisely, reinvention of ancient practices of spiritual guidance and eldership in modern Russia, however, raise several problems. Contrary to the view that eldership emerged as a counter-reaction to modernisation of the church and society, I would like to argue that elders responded to modernised tendencies attracting both traditional-minded peasants and tormented intelligentsia. The paper proposes to examine the phenomenon of eldership and notions of holiness from the perspective of an ordinary Orthodox Christian who came to elders seeking spiritual advice and intercession.

War of Extermination - When did it begin and where dit it happen?

It was the young Erich Nolte who almost half a century ago first characterized the German warfare from 1941 onwards as "the most monstrous war of conquest, of enslavement, and of extermination that we know of in modern history". Since then, WW II historiography has used the term "war of extermination" (Vernichtungskrieg) to describe Germany’s unprecedented conduct of war that was not limited to enemy soldiers. First and foremost in the Soviet Union, millions of enemy soldiers and civilians fell victim to a form of terror unthought-of before. An avalanche of literature has been published that focuses on the role the German armed forces, SS and police units played within the war of extermination.

But its widespread use has led to a certain ambiguity of what the term war of extermination actually stands for. Above all, it describes the explosion of violence accompanying the German assault on Russia in summer 1941. An aggressive national socialist propaganda against the so called judeo-bolshevism paved the ground for the large scale murder of millions of soviet prisoners-of-war and Jews, including women, children and old people, whereat German police, SS and armed forces cooperated with local auxiliaries. Two nationwide discussed exhibitions and the most recent German WW II literature have given this dark chapter of the Eastern theatre of war broad attention. But there are also studies focusing on other theatres of war and use other periodizations. Historians have argued that features of the war of extermination – as the deployment of special police squads as killing units, the persecution of Jews and a high number of executions carried out by German soldiers – could be already observed during the Polish Campaign in 1939. Others have traced transmissions of the brutal methods applied in Eastern Europe to German occupied countries in Western and Southern Europe. And: Was the war of extermination really a typical German way of warfare? John Dower has shown how during the Pacific War, deep-rooted hatred and prejudices plus a propaganda machinery operating at full stretch led – on both sides of the front line – to the de-humanization of the enemy, resulting in merciless violence against prisoners-of-war and civilians alike.

The paper will propose a feasible definition of the term “war of extermination” and discuss its applicability to various periods and places of WW II.

A Research Report on Japanese Use of Chemical Weapons During the Second World War

The term chemical warfare (CW) refers to the use of a variety of poisonous chemical compounds against humans or other biological organisms as a weapon of mass destruction. Since the practical use of chemical weapons frequently involves the transformation of chemical compounds into a gaseous state, chemical weapons are also called poison gas weapons.
The use of poisonous chemical compounds in warfare has a long history. However, it was not until the end of the nineteenth century that the first attempt was made to prohibit the use of poisonous agents in warfare. As a result of the fear and concern over the use of chemical weapons, the problem was widely discussed and incorporated into international treaties from the beginning of the twentieth century. During the First World War, both sides used chemical weapons in large quantities and caused huge numbers of casualties. Arguments against the use of chemical weapons became increasingly vocal. As a result, the 1925 Geneva Protocol prohibited the production, storage and use of chemical weapons. From the Second World War until the early 1990s, this treaty was the primary legal document prohibiting chemical weapons.
Japan was among the many nations that signed the 1925 Geneva Protocol before the Second World War, although it did not ratify the treaty until 1970. The Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) was signed in January 1993 and became effective in 1997.
By the time of the Second World War, several international powers possessed chemical weapons. However, since these countries feared retaliation in kind, the majority did not use them. The only country that engaged in large-scale battlefield use of chemical weapons was Japan, primarily against China.
Japan began to research and manufacture chemical weapons immediately following the First World War. In the early 1930s Japan became one of the few international powers to possess chemical weapons. After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937 the Japanese Army, following orders from the Japanese high command, began to use chemical weapons against the Chinese, causing serious casualties.
When Japan surrendered in August 1945, the Japanese Army stationed in China either buried its remaining chemical weapons or dumped them into rivers. The Army’s actions were carried out in accordance with orders from Japan in an effort to cover up its violation of international treaties and avoid international criticism. Due to lack of time, however, many chemical weapons were simply hidden among conventional munitions. As a result of the secrecy surrounding Japanese engagement in chemical warfare, China was not officially notified of the fate of these weapons following the war and it was not until years later that some of the details of Japanese chemical warfare against the Chinese began to be uncovered.
Of particular concern is the fact that many of the poisonous compounds used in chemical weapons do not deteriorate over time. After the war, chemical weapons stockpiles abandoned in China were discovered frequently – although only after causing environmental pollution and a large number of civilian casualties.

Political Lessons or Cultural Images? The Impact of the First World War on 'Hitler's Europe

My paper seeks to analyze the aims and functions of German occupation in both World wars, using the concept of total expansion or delimitation.
Furthermore it seeks to determine to what extent the collective memory and experience of the previous war has influenced and shaped Hitler's policy as well as the behaviour of German soldiers in Nazi occupied Eastern Europe.

Japan’s Policy (1937—1945)on the Battlefield behind Enemy Lines of CPC in the Japanese Occupied Areas in China

With the capture of Wuhan in October 1938, Japan has occupied large areas of North China, Central China and southern China since Japan launched the all-out war of aggression against China in July 1937. During this period, the Communist Party of China (CPC) immediately led the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army and other anti-Japanese armed forces to penetrate the Japanese occupied areas to establish the anti-Japanese bases, mobilize the masses to carry out the guerrilla war and open up another anti-Japanese battlefield in China ----the battlefield behind enemy lines. Japanese authorities took various means of repression for the resistance movements led by the CPC in the occupied areas. In military, they conducted the "clean-up" operations with a large number of troops to sweep out the CPC; In economy, they imposed an economic blockade in the areas; In politics, they fostered the puppet regime to implement the tactic of " Using Chinese to Subdue Chinese " and etc. But those tactics were thoroughly smashed by the CPC and other anti-Japanese armed forces. During 1941-1943, the battlefield behind enemy lines of CPC had become the main battlefield to fight against the Japan’s aggression against China. From 1944 to 1945, it was the main battlefield for Chinese to counterattack the Japanese troops, which indicated the complete failure of Japan’s policies on the battlefield behind enemy lines of CPC in the Japanese occupied areas in China.

Does historical truth still matter?

This paper deals with the problems history faces today due to the widespread trend towards a moralistic interpretation of the past. This trend is related to a complex ensemble of phenomena such as the increasing weight of historical topics in internal and international politics (public use of history), the reopening of procedures of retribution for the victims of Nazi Germany in the countries of the ex Eastern block, the diffuse tendency to attribute a generic “victim-status” to an increasing amount of historical subjects, the blurring distinction between history and memory, the increasing relevance of politics of memory.
Since “historical truth” is always dependent on the context and perspective, it is unavoidable that the contemporary “moralisation of the past” also affects historiographic practice, namely in the sense that elements of the prevailing moral discourse are absorbed with little or no reflection into the historical narrative and without being sufficiently documented in the sources. The paper will therefore deliver a contribution to the critique of historical writing in the era of a hegemonic moralising discourse. The point is not to try to solve the problem of the moral interpretation of historical phenomena, but much more modestly to examine how historical narratives are affected by existing practices of victimisation, self-victimisation and moralisation. Apparently, it is difficult not only in the public sphere but also in historical discourse to differentiate between the moral condemnation of crimes and the cognitive reconstruction of historical processes. In other words, it is not easy to resist the temptation to attribute to historical events a certain sense of justice and to (inappropriately) use justices as a historical category.
Admittedly, historical research has always been practised in a context marked by non-scientific, non-scholarly factors. This has been the case with national histories, the history of the labour movement or the history of variously discriminated groups. But the maintenance of counter narratives or complementary narratives was easier in those cases than in the current public victimisation discourse. This latter discourse claims a higher and more universal moral legitimacy, making it all the easier for historical analyses, which question even partial aspects of this construct to be accused of moral unworthiness. It cannot therefore be excluded that with regard to sensitive topics of historical research the traditional “right of veto” of the sources” (Reinhard Koselleck) might be substituted by rights of veto emanated by official or not official moral authorities. Thus the question chosen as title of this paper: “Does historical truth still matter?”

Paris dans l'historiographie politique française

Capitale, scène essentielle de la vie politique française (sous la monarchie, l’empire ou la république), Paris a toujours été au cœur des études d’histoire politique dans l’historiographie française.
La communication examine les influences, les resonnances, de plusieurs paramètres (contextes, institutions, pouvoirs, projets éditoriaux…) dans l’écriture de l’histoire politique de Paris.
L’objectif premier vise à dégager les traits structurants des représentations et des approches de la capitale.
A travers un large corpus (publications, articles, colloques…) sur les productions du XIXème-XXIème siècle, le présent projet entend souligner les problématiques dominantes, les différents configurations et les évolutions d’une position, voire d’une posture, donnée à Paris, dans les travaux des historiens du politique.

Lamprechtianism as an Ideology of the Rising Middle Class Intelligentsia: the Case of Finnish Historiography in the Early 20th Century

The proposed paper focuses on the complex interplay between local traditions and “imported” intellectual products, the emphasis being placed on the interpretation of the ideas of the German historian Karl Lamprecht in the early 20th century Finnish historiography. The discussion is based on the postulate presented by Georg G. Iggers, according to which the Methodenstreit, which broke out in 1891, was not a German but a transnational event, although having different political connotations in various European countries and in the Westernizing world (e.g. Japan).

The Lamprecht controversy reached Finland in the very beginning of the 20th century, mediated by a group of young scholars who had enthusiastically participated in Lamprecht’s historical seminar in Leipzig in 1898/99. In Finland, the controversy was inherently related to a debate among historians about which area of historiography should be accorded the central place in explaining historical events and which spheres of society should be considered structurally and causally fundamental. Especially among the younger generation of rising middle class intelligentsia, it was generally felt that the traditional individualistic political history, focused on the state, elites, and the “great personalities” was in a state of crisis. These approaches were no longer able to respond to the new challenges of modernity, such as the integration of the supposedly alienated workers into the nation or the means for understanding the complexity of interests which make up modern politics. While the antidemocratic political bias of the established historical scholarship became apparent, also its understanding of history was considered unsatisfactory.

With a means produced by Lamprechtianism, it was possible to create a scientifically sanctified vision of the past and the future that was freed from the encumbrances of God and metaphysics, allowing the masses of ordinary people to step forward into the limelight of historical interest as an actor of the utmost importance. At the same time as the educated middle classes were building a more egalitarian society, however, they were trying to crown their own political leading position with the concept of historical necessity. Thanks to irresistible historical forces, they themselves claimed to articulate the conscious and unconscious needs of the masses. Lamprechtianism was thus used by them as an ideological weapon both against their superiors and their inferiors.

Les metamorphoses de l'historien. Histoire politique de l'historiographie espagnole (1900-1978)

Les historiens espagnols, en tant que sujet collectif, ont suivi, tout au long du XXe siècle, un processus de transformation fondamentale qui eut des conséquences profondes sur plusieurs plans:
1. Sa perception de soi, de sa fonction sociale, de sa place parmi les scientifiques sociaux;
2. La formation et délimitation des champs de spécialité, comprenant une implosion théorique et une explosion des champs de recherche
3. L'organisation universitaire: nouvelle reglémentation des diplômes et reproduction universitaire, nouvelle structure universitaire partout en Europe, augmentation du nombre d'Universités, d'historiens et d'étudiants d'histoire;
4. La structure et fonction des publications périodiques;
5. L'engagement politique et social des historiens;
6. Leurs rapports avec l'État.
Cet ensemble de transformations, qui suivirent une évolution différente dans chacun des États européens, peut être appréhendée à travers une approche comparée. En effet, on peut décéler dans le cadre européen une série d'éléments communs qui peuvent être suivis à travers la trajectoire typique de l'historiographie espagnole, marquée par les interférences de la dictature franquiste.

What is at stake in "world history"?

The paper deals mainly with the changes that recently occurred in the views of world history and with those challenges that are coming from the post-modern approach and from the subaltern studies. Against the background of a long tradition of interpretation, it investigates the political implications that are becoming more and more apparent in the international debate.

Feeling low: the relationship between social status and emotional display in Hellenistic Art

Much has already been written about the emotional reserve advocated in the philosophical texts of the Hellenistic period, about the suppression of gesticulation by Hellenistic orators, and the muted emotional intensity of honorific and funerary images of the period. But while the overt display of emotions was considered unfashionable among the civic elite, expressions of joy, sadness, anger, etc., continued to be depicted, both facially and corporeally, in art images of low-status individuals.
This paper considers whether this discrepancy might represent a form of Hellenistic snobbery, with overt emotional display equated with vulgarity, or whether the difference in emotional content and intensity can better be explained by an understanding of the function, scale and material of the art object.

Material Values: Emotion and materiality in ancient Greece

Written sources reveal large amounts of information, at least for a limited range of specific contexts, about emotion and its roles in ancient Greek society. However, archaeological data, alongside these written sources, can add a whole new dimension to the study of emotion because of the ways in which people invest emotion in material objects. This paper will investigate emotion in ancient Greece through a series of case studies exploring how and why material objects become part of the fabric of human society, and thus objects of value (regardless of whether or not they are 'valuable').

Grief and mourning in Roman context

Grief is a common sentiment, it is a recognized psychological phenomenon, whereas mourning consists of a set of conventional behavioural responses to crisis or death both sanctioned and required by society. Ritual mourning is not necessarily a spontaneous outburst of feeling. Weeping and mourning are a part of a developed system of social behaviour. Sadness and the expression of sadness are two different things. As Radcliffe-Brown has underlined, the mourners come to feel the appropriate sentiment, “and this sentiment is not merely a negative sentiment of sorrow and loss, but a positive emotion of social bonding”. In many societies and cultures ritual lamentation is considered to be a part of the female behaviour. It is not necessarily so. There were different groups of people showing their grief in public pictured in narratives of Roman historiography. The aim of this study is to analyze the public and political role of the mourners in Roman history. In this study the main questions are: who were the mourners, how did they show their feelings, and for what purpose they were “working”? The sources we are dealing with are Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plutarch and Tacitus.

L’usage rhétorique de la peur dans les sources grecques anciennes et chrétiennes

Le déni de l’émotion de la peur est un topos commun aux auteurs païens et chrétiens. Souvent, ils dénigrent cette émotion chez les adultes en la comparant aux peurs « irrationnelles » associées à la petite enfance. Toutefois, ils évoquent parallèlement l’usage pratique qu’on peut en faire, la peur étant considérée comme un moyen utile d’exercice du pouvoir. La provoquer est une arme puissante aussi bien aux mains du tyran qu’à celles du législateur. Par l’examen des sources, nous allons essayer de cerner ces deux aspects apparemment contradictoires de la manière dont les Anciens appréhendaient cette émotion.

Re- conceptualizing the ‘Public Sphere’ for World Histories

The public sphere is a critical part of the history of Western Europe and North America. Although there are significant interpretive differences, it remains a central part even in the narratives of those who do not fully accept the enlightenment narrative of modern Western history. What makes this narrative difficult to transport across the West/non-West divide is that the concept of the ‘public sphere’ is imbued with a strong sense of autonomy of this sphere particularly from incursions by the state. But many modern historical societies have had a “third realm” of state-society interactions without necessarily developing the ideological armature to defend this realm from the state or other powerful groups.

What elements can we use to re-conceptualize this sphere while retaining its historical power? I will draw on histories of China and India as well as conceptions from nationalism and Foucault’s ideas of ‘governmentality’ to suggest the beginnings of an alternate conceptualization.

The Public Sphere: The Uses of a Concept

Controversial memories in Brazilian schoolbooks and magazines

This contribution wants to show the representations about some controversial events in Brazilian current schoolbooks, the changing of these representations in the latest decades and the public discussion about these changes in Brazilian schoolbooks’ assessment and in Brazilian scientific spreading magazines on History.

1974 Cyprus: “Invasion” or “Peace operation”? Proposals of how to teach a controversial issue

My paper will focus on the ways of teaching in Cypriot primary schools the controversial issue of 1974 war. After a brief description of the 1974 events, I will review the ways in which this issue is currently taught in Cypriot primary schools. I will, further, examine the major theoretical and practical exercises in approaching the subject (e.g. Papadakis, AHDR, Bryant, Spyrou). Before exposing my own proposals of how to teach this controversial issue, I will present the results of a number of interviews taken from primary school teachers of both communities. These teachers have been asked to answer on the ways they teach the subject and the ways they would like to teach it.
In the main part of my paper I will discuss my own proposals of how to teach the subject. More precisely, I will argue on the following points:
- How to show the gaps of the official narrative by bringing to class sources which make students realize the contradictory elements and inconsistencies of the narrative (for example: pictures showing victims of both sides, narrations of Turkish/Greek soldiers on their experience, pictures of destroyed monuments of the opposite side)
- Historicization and contextualization of the event. Make students realize that history is written, that it is a “human” and not a “divine” act (for example: narration of some T/C who were not refugees for the first time in 1974)
- Bring to class multiple perspectives of the event. Ask students to gather various narrations from relatives, neighbors, friends etc.
- Bring together teachers from both sides in order to discuss the subject and pass, thus, from a “monological” way of viewing history to a “dialogical” manner of perceiving facts.
In conclusion, I will argue that the aim is not actually to deconstruct the official narratives and replace them with new constructions. The aim is rather to make students realize that history is not a metaphysical stable tale, but a construction. We have to teach them how to pose questions to the dominant historical narrative and not to give them “ready” answers. Clearly, the challenge of many educational systems today, not only in Cyprus, is to cultivate historical skills that will allow the development of children’s analytical ability to negotiate the complexity of organizing historical knowledge and to critically engage with the controversial past. In other words, controversial issues in history teaching should not only been seen as a problematic instances but also as possibilities for critically teaching the processes behind remembering and forgetting which are the processes that shape our “reality”.

'Using controversial Memories in History Lessons: Perception of Turkish History

Controversial issues, which can be seen in the history curriculum of some developed countries, in history education are given attention in the multicultural societies. As the Turkish history curriculum is examined it seems that curriculum and history textbooks do not have enough information about controversial issues. Besides this, some history teachers face problems how to teach controversial issues in their courses. Because these issues are debatable and people who have different opinions regarding these topics.
The purpose of this paper is to determine perceptions of Turkish history teachers about controversial issues. A qualitative approach was used in this study in order to gather data in response to the research questions, and the information itself was secured through a semi-structured interview. History teachers who joined this study were chosen from the province of Trabzon through random sampling. In the light of the data, it seems that the great majority of history teachers do not have any education and skills on how to teach controversial issues in their history courses.

Teaching Sensitive and Controversial Issues in History Education. A Specific Methodological Approach?

This lecture would like to explore the work of EUROCLIO on implementing innovative methodology in history teaching, with special reference to teaching controversial and sensitive history.
Educating young people is a responsible task of a society. History education has always been used to enhance the national sense of belonging of younger generations. In the late 20th century internal struggles in Bosnia, Estonia, Latvia, Macedonia, Moldova and Georgia as well as interstate conflicts in Former Yugoslavia, demonstrated that historical interpretations of recent and distant events in the past still can play an important role. History educators in Europe became in the late Twentieth Century more aware that such conflicts also derived from the biased historical narratives presented also through school education.
It was therefore time to have a common critical look at the traditional approach to school history and to increase the responsibility of individual history educators in history education for peace and democracy. It was obvious that one teacher alone would not be able to make such change, and therefore a group of history educators in Europe took the initiative to create in 1993 EUROCLIO, the European Association of History Educators. This Association took as its mission to promote and support the development of history education so that it strengthens peace, stability, democracy and critical thinking. It promotes the sound use of history education towards building and deepening of democratic societies and therefore tries to connect across boundaries of countries, ethnicities and religions.
Its members explore together ways to implement these universal values, humanistic dispositions and democratic competencies, in order to give meaning to education for good citizenship and reconciliation. History teaching should therefore also closely be linked to current knowledge, experiences, challenges and problems.
In order to achieve such goals, educators within the network, have been looking into a methodology enhancing the manner how history should be taught and would be able to address more difficult, sensitive and controversial issues. The practitioners became during this search more and more aware that school history firstly has to fulfill general methodological requirements before it really will be able to address the more difficult bits.

The innovative (EUROCLIO) history teaching approach starts with an (engaging) question, followed by critical use of empirical evidence, looking into historical perspective of interpretation, keeping in mind the knowledge, mentalities and values of the respective period and opening a discussion about the relevance and impact for the present. But such approach also looks for ways how history teaching can further curiosity and a spirit of inquiry, develop the ability to think independently and offer resistance to being manipulated.

However methodological changes stands not alone. Responsible teaching history also requires new ways to address historical knowledge. This means a much better balance than in the current history teaching, between political, cultural, economic and social issues and of geographical dimensions perspectives, and addressing ‘white spots’ and a multi-perspective approach to the stories of the past. Such educational approach does not white-wash a problematic narrative of the past, in order to get a non-controversial, rosy picture. No this past only has become more multidimensional and consequently less one sided, biased, and politicised. Complexity is here the key concept.

The EUROCLIO methodology asks for agreed responsibility and ownership of the peer group and collaborative inter-ethnic and inter-religious work after identification and a shared understanding of the needs of local target groups . Its work is process orientation based and believes in reinforcing professional talents as the basic resources for innovation and change. In all activities EUROCLIO stimulates a cross-border and international focus and the use of external supervision and monitoring. EUROCLIO understands its approach as universal, reflecting a code of good conduct for the profession.

Since 1993, EUROCLIO has organized across Europe a variety of activities focusing to implement such methodology in countries such as Bulgaria, Ukraine, Rumania, Russia and Turkey. In Bosnia, Croatia Cyprus Estonia, Georgia Latvia, the Republic of Macedonia and Serbia the work also addressed sensitive controversial histories between the different ethnic and religious communities.

In such work trust building has became the key concept as only under stable, responsive conditions within the professional group, common work is really possible and, in due course, ultimately even addressing sensitive and controversial issues become possible. The teams are asked to produce a truly collaborative work.
But such work on controversial and sensitive history even requires sincere civil courage from the participants, as professionals under these circumstances run easily the risk of being attacked by local colleagues- academic historians and history educators alike- politicians or media. Unfortunately this grass root work is recurrently unpopular as it is not reflecting fashionable populist political stances. In order to prevent negative pressure on the professional groups, project teams are working in (relative) silence. Only when the local team feels confident to tell their story, contacts with local educational authorities, politicians, opposition historians and media are developed. This quiet procedure also avoids accusations of foreign interference.
This contribution would like to demonstrate with examples from EUROCLIO project publications how this methodology is applied
However, also in 2010, many school history narratives in Europe, continue to tell a mono-perspective story as it is demonstrated in the results of the 2010 EUROCLIO Annual Questionnaire. The answers give evidence that a teaching of history, looking into a variety of positions and perspectives, is still far from implemented. In Europe students are still well informed about the national winners and the national victim hood. If their country lost or if it was engaged in aggression or if its citizens were perpetrators or collaborators, they are far less explicitly informed.
Hasty instant solutions are not possible in education. Changing habits and believes is a delicate, sensitive and time consuming assignment for those involved. It is too early to conclude that the EUROCLIO peer and grass root method will be sustainable. However it has offered a successful model for many history educators in Europe to address innovative content as well as on innovative, collaborative, meaningful and effective ways of learning and teaching.

L'enseignement de l'histoire des traites et du colonialisme à travers les mémoires d'Afrique et d'Europe

Les traites négrières et la domination coloniale figurent parmi les plus évoqués dans les constructions des identités collectives au sud du Sahara. Ce poids renvoie à une réalité incontestée. Premièrement nulle société, autre que les africains, n'a été aussi négativement affectée par les pratiques esclavagistes à usage interne et destinées à l'exportation. Après les Européens ont pris possession du territoire africain. Le particularité de la colonisation a été d'associer domination formelle et diffusion de la civilisation métropolitaine.
Ces deux phénomènes peuvent être identifiés comme un procès interactif complexe, caractérisé par une représentation de soi et de ses rapports aux autres.
Comment peut-on définir une approche didactique qui tient compte de la complexité historique et actuelle, et qui reste accessible à des jeunes. Quel équilibre peut-on constituer entre texte et paratexte (dans les manuels)? Comment arriver à un enseignement conceptuel en traitant ce 'partage du monde'? Comment utiliser des textes littéraires pour faire sentir d'une façon plus directe la réalité vécue?

Learning about a controversial past in School History – the experiences of learners in post-apartheid South Africa

In South Africa, under apartheid, History was taught according to a positivist model in which it was claimed that “objective truthful History” was passed on to learners. Consequently, all learners and teachers were expected to subscribe to a Eurocentric History in an uncritical manner in which educational engagement with controversial issues hardly ever occurred and multiple perspectives to issues were not explored. With the coming of democracy in 1994 the system under which History was taught was dismantled and a new curriculum and educational philosophy implemented. The new History curriculum foregrounds the teaching of controversial issues through critical enquiry and by focussing on multiple perspectives as key elements for democratic education. This study investigates, a decade and a half into the rapid political and educational transition endured by South African, the experiences of the teaching and learning of controversial issues in History by learners (the so-called “born frees”) who have completed their schooling in a post-apartheid context.

History textbooks facing controversial memories. The case of the Martial Law in Poland.

Martial law is one of the most controversial periods in the post-WWII history of Poland. Introduced on December 13, 1981 it ended the 16-month-long "festival of Solidarity". Older generations of today schoolchildren’s families can remember army in the streets, curfew or no telephone calls. For some of them it meant arrests, special detention places and other repressions imposed on themselves or on their friends and/or relatives. Others followed the explanations of the official propaganda and regarded the Martial law as the lesser evil (versus the Soviet intervention, civil war or other forms of destabilization). They paid attention to the end of strikes and rallies and the beginning of "normalization". These controversies are brought to public annually at the anniversary of imposition of the Martial law. How does the school history education deal with them?

My paper will be based on the analysis of contemporary Polish history textbooks for all levels of education. Starting with the amount of space devoted to this period, selection of processes, people and events shown, kinds of teaching materials included, forms of activities suggested, I would like to find out what strategies the textbook authors have adopted to present this controversial issue. Do they notice the controversies? Do they show one or more points of view? Do they ask students about their own opinions or about the opinions of their friends or relatives? Are the textbooks open for different interpretations or do they prefer only one? Explicitly or implicitly? How emotional is the text and other materials? The study should also show if any of the models adopted in textbooks is prevailing.

The analysis of the parts of textbooks devoted to the Marshall law will also address the following general problems:
(1) What general attitudes (towards the past, life, others) do the Polish textbooks form?
(2) How does the history education go beyond the principle so popular in the past of teaching only the “scientifically approved” material, that raises no doubts or controversies?
(3) How important is the school education in shaping the people’s opinion about the recent past?
(4) Does the way the Martial law is presented reflect the way the heritage of the “People’s Poland” in general is dealt in the history textbooks?

German colonialism in the landscape of remembrance

German colonial history has been investigated from a critical point of view since the late 1950s and became an issue during the Cold War competition of the two German historiographies. Balances have been presented from both sides at different occasions until 1990 and during the period of evaluation of East German academic institutions.
But over the last 15 years or so a new generation has pre4sented new findings from archival work and relates it to postcolonial concepts and a transnational approach both to German and to African and East-Asian history, while at the same time a public debate on Germany’s role in the history of colonialism got started in the context of discussions on re-compensation for violations of human rights.

The Italian Occupation (1936-41) in Ethiopian and Italian Historical Memory

The five-year Fascist Italian occupation of Ethiopia has left behind indelible memories in both the Ethiopian and Italian psyche. The paper discusses these contrasting memories, marked more by outrage than vindictiveness on the Ethiopian side and with mixed feelings of shame and occasional bouts of neo-fascism on the Italian.

The parliamentary practices of the Basque Country MPs in the Spanish Parliament, 1890-1914

The work that we are presenting at this Congress is framed in a line of research initiated over a decade ago by our research group with the aim of analysing the parliamentary representation of the Basque Country throughout the XIX and XX centuries.In the first phase, we made a microbiographical analysis of the 610 parliamentarians who represented the Basque districts between 1808 and 1939 in two biographical dictionaries, which included detailed biographies of the elected representatives. Our aim was to make a study of the political careers of the parliamentarians based on an exhaustive knowledge of the course of their careers and not on isolated elements. In the second phase, on the basis of this extensive empirical information, we started last year to elaborate a prosopographical analysis of these personages which we continue to develop in this work. In this paper we make an analysis of the parliamentarians who represented the districts of the Basque Country at the start of the Restoration (1890-1914). Thus in this work we are not only analysing a group of parliamentarians, but elaborating a working model for the study of Parliament through its actors.

The parliamentary practices of the Basque Caountry MPs in the Spanish Parliament, 1890-1914

The work that we are presenting at this Congress is framed in a line of research initiated over a decade ago by our research group with the aim of analysing the parliamentary representation of the Basque Country throughout the XIX and XX centuries.In the first phase, we made a microbiographical analysis of the 610 parliamentarians who represented the Basque districts between 1808 and 1939 in two biographical dictionaries, which included detailed biographies of the elected representatives. Our aim was to make a study of the political careers of the parliamentarians based on an exhaustive knowledge of the course of their careers and not on isolated elements. In the second phase, on the basis of this extensive empirical information, we started last year to elaborate a prosopographical analysis of these personages which we continue to develop in this work. In this paper we make an analysis of the parliamentarians who represented the districts of the Basque Country at the start of the Restoration (1890-1914). Thus in this work we are not only analysing a group of parliamentarians, but elaborating a working model for the study of Parliament through its actors.

Patrick Collinson's "Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I": A House of Cards?

The Bond of Association was organized by the English privy council in the autumn of 1584 as a voluntary society of the political nation in arms. The leading landowners in every county were invited to join the Association, and every signatory swore an oath to protect Queen Elizabeth I against threats to her life from traitorous subjects who sought to replace her on the throne with an alternative claimant, Mary, Queen of Scots. The volunteers pledged themselves to pursue to the death those in whose interests any plot to assassinate the Queen was mounted. This savage clause was nothing less than an inducement to lynch-law, a desperate extra-parliamentary resort to state terrorism. Elizabeth flinched from giving her public approval to the Bond, and when the council sought to legitimize it in an act of parliament in 1584-85 she insisted that it be shorn of its more draconian provisions. The Queen had not been consulted by her councillors before the Bond was formulated – or so it is represented in the orthodox accounts – and its constitutional significance has been represented in recent historiography as an attempt to establish a ‘Monarchical Republic’ in England. As the effective agent of royal government, the argument runs, the council was constrained to take executive action because the queen was too weak and indecisive to assume total responsibility for dealing with the crisis. Elizabeth’s instinct was certainly to distance herself from authorizing an expedient of dubious political morality, and to give the impression that the council was acting on its own initiative in promoting a device to protect her against the prevailing dangers to her life as well as to the security of the Protestant establishment in church and state. Revisionist accounts of the crisis have underlined the unprecedented nature of the exceptional contractual obligations assumed by leaders of the estate of aristocracy in a mixed monarchy. Patrick Collinson has gone further to characterize the situation as the emergence of republican elements in royal governance that were to have reverberations in later political developments. In the discussion generated by Collinson’s claims, which have been developed in various publications over the last two decades, there has been a tendency to accept uncritically his reading of the events of 1584-86. My paper offers a critique of the basic assumptions in the thesis by examining the evidence for Elizabeth’s prior knowledge of the policy enshrined in the Bond and subsequent exploitation of it to her own advantage.

The parliamentary practices of the Basque Country MPs in the Spanish Parliament, 1890-1914

The work that we are presenting at this Congress is framed in a line of research initiated over a decade ago by our research group with the aim of analysing the parliamentary representation of the Basque Country throughout the XIX and XX centuries.In the first phase, we made a microbiographical analysis of the 610 parliamentarians who represented the Basque districts between 1808 and 1939 in two biographical dictionaries, which included detailed biographies of the elected representatives. Our aim was to make a study of the political careers of the parliamentarians based on an exhaustive knowledge of the course of their careers and not on isolated elements. In the second phase, on the basis of this extensive empirical information, we started last year to elaborate a prosopographical analysis of these personages which we continue to develop in this work. In this paper we make an analysis of the parliamentarians who represented the districts of the Basque Country at the start of the Restoration (1890-1914). Thus in this work we are not only analysing a group of parliamentarians, but elaborating a working model for the study of Parliament through its actors.

The ceremonial spaces of parliamentary seances in the Kingdom of Valencia

Middle and Modern Ages Cortes of the Kingdom of Valencia didn´t have a specific building where celebrate their meetings. Among other reasons the place for the celebration was constantly changing. These building should fulfil some suitable characteristics in the same spaces could take place different kind of meetings. On the one hand members of the Cortes needed appropiate rooms to deliberate jointly and separately. On the other hand, the king should have an environment for meeting with the Commissions seeking his audience. Finally the solemn plenary inauguration ceremonies and the closing ones needed specific and well decorated places too. For all these reasons it took place usually in the religious spaces as cathedrals, churches and monasteries, the most appropriates and frequented for the Cortes, according with environmental conditions.

Les images du Parlement au Portugal (1870-1926) - la caricature

On analyse l'importance du rire, de la satyre, de la caricature sur la vie parlementaire, les deputés, les sessions d'ouverture et de clôture, les discours, la violence au Parlement portugais (1870-1926).

The Duke of Anjou' s Entry as Duke of Brabant into Antwerp (1582): The Magnificent Ceremony and the Elusive Charter

During the Revolt of the Netherlands, the Abjuration of Allegiance (1581) to Philip II was followed by the inauguration of François de Valois, Duke of Anjou, as Duke of Brabant with a Joyous Entry into Antwerp in 1582. Celebrated with great pomp and an illustrated printed account, the ceremony was followed by the publication of the first printed compilation of the laws and customs of Antwerp, which had also been confirmed at the inauguration ceremonies. Yet, in spite of strong contemporary interest in the articles of the Charter of the Joyous Entry confirmed in 1582, their text remained unpublished until 1634, more than fifty years after they had first been publicly read and sworn to.
This paper will consider possible reasons why the text of the Joyous Entry Charter was not printed in 1582, whereas the ceremony, by contrast, was lavishly celebrated in print, and followed in the same year by the first printed edition of the laws and customs of Antwerp that had been confirmed on the same occasion. What circumstances, on the other hand, eventually prompted the publication of the text of the Joyous Entry Charter of 1582 as a pamphlet at the Hague in 1634? An analysis of the Charter's articles suggests reasons both for its non-publication in 1582 and for its belated publication in 1634. At the same time, such an analysis confirms essential features of the politics of the Dutch Revolt, such as the defense of the particular liberties of the major cities. The paper will also comment on the complementary functions of public ceremony (in actu and subsequently as pamphlets) and of printed charters of liberties, customs and laws in the early age of print.

A modern edition of the Dutch text of the Joyous Entry Charter of 1582, belatedly printed in 1634, is planned. Together with a short introduction and notes, the edition will also include an English translation of this symbolic text of the liberties of the Estates in the Revolt of the Netherlands.