Progressive Catholicism, Power, and Local Religion in Twentieth-Century Mexico and Nicaragua

Progressive Catholicism, Power, and Local Religion in Twentieth-Century Mexico and Nicaragua

Description:

From a longue durée perspective, this paper examines the assault that sectors of the Roman Catholic Church launched on Mexican and Nicaraguan local religiosity during the era of Vatican II. During the 1960s and 1970s, Mexico’s “progressive” Catholic clergy, notably Sergio Méndez Arceo, the “red Bishop of Cuernavaca,” sought to eradicate popular religious beliefs and practices (the cult of the saints, mayordomías, devotion to images) and replace these with a purified, true religion based on contemplation, the liturgy, and the Bible. These reforms went well beyond the spiritual realm, and sparked struggles related to power relations (clerical caciquismo, barrio factionalism, education, state and federal politics), economics and development (local land and water resources, community development, employment, tourism), as well as local concepts of identity, indigeneity and gender. Similar incidents have been reported from Nicaragua, notably from the ecclesiastical base community established by Padre Ernesto Cardenal on the island of Solentiname. In both cases, local religion, notably the religious icon and the cult of the saints, became the focal point of iconoclastic incidents and intense rivalries that demonstrated its crucial role in the preservation of local cultural, political, and “ecological” autonomy, while at the same time exposing how widely clerical, state and local interpretations of modernity diverged. This case study is placed within the wider context of both church and state reforms –Erasmian, Jansenist, Enlighted Catholic, Bourbon, Liberal, revolutionary and otherwise- aimed at establishing modernity among Latin America’s popular sectors. Thus, this project seeks to elucidate the process by which both Catholic and secular discourses and semiotic practices related to modernity, Catholic reform, and local religiosity become “sutured,” generating local conflict and change.

Academic Qualifications:

As associate professor of Latin American History with a research focus on twentieth-century Mexico, I have centered recent research on the linkages between religion, state formation, and local cultures during the Mexican Revolution. Recent publications on this topic include: “Culture and Context: The Regional Dynamics of Revolutionary Defanaticization in Mexico,” in Matthew Butler, ed., God’s Revolution: Faith and Impiety in Revolutionary Mexico (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007); “Making Sense of Iconoclasm: Popular responses to the destruction of religious images in revolutionary Mexico,” in Stacy Boldrick & Richard Clay, eds., Iconoclasm: contested objects, contested terms (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006); “Popular Religion and the Mexican Revolution: Towards a New Historiography,” in Martin Austin Nesvig, ed., Religious Culture in Modern Mexico (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006); “Saints, Sinners and State Formation: Local Religion and Cultural Revolution in Mexico,” in Stephen Lewis and Mary Kay Vaughan, eds., The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in Mexico, 1920-1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); and “The war against the idols: the meanings of iconoclasm in post-revolutionary Mexico, 1910-40,” in Anne McClennan and Jeffrey Johnson, eds., Negating the Image: Case Studies in Iconoclasm (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005). I am currently completing a book manuscript entitled Idolatry and Iconoclasm in Revolutionary Mexico. Popular Religion and Cultural Revolution, 1910-1940 and previously published As If Jesus Walked on Earth: Sonora, Cardenismo, and the Mexican Revolution (1998).

‘Old dogs and new tricks: Pius II and the crusade’

This communication will assess Pius II’s approach towards Crusading as a means of dealing with the Ottoman threat. Was there anything new about the substance of the pope’s crusading policy, or was the rhetoric of humanism brought into play in an attempt to disguise a vacuum of ideas and an approach that in both religious and military terms – as the pope knew better than anybody else – was bound to fail?

The powers of weakness: Machiavelli revisited

Paper: The powers of weakness: Macchiavelli revisited
There seems to be a paradox alliance between power and weakness. The collective making of a future leader and ‘victor’ requires an individual ritually prescribed recapitulation of the subject’s position. This observation applies to the making of ‘rulers’ in a general sense, be it dukes and kings, saints and heroes, popes, martyrs, chiefs, stars, Chief Executive Officers or Presidents of the United States. The paper suggests revisiting a number of rituals of status elevation mainly from the medieval period. The functional necessity of ‘weakness’, as embedded almost universally at the very centre of the rituals of empowerment, will be reconsidered: It is suggested here to view weakness, suffering, and humiliation as indispensable and universal elements in the social fabrication of power from the earliest times down to the 21st century.

Keywords: European inauguration rituals, rituals of status elevation, liminality, Victor Turner, Arnold van Gennep, Elizabeth FitzPatrick, Katharine Simms, Peter Štih, Mirjam Mencej, kings of Tara, kings of Connacht, kings of Donegal, dukes of Carinthia, kings of the German realm, Carnfree, Tara, Carinthia, Aachen, ducal stone, Fürstenstein, crown of the German realm, Reichskrone, Isaiah-Hezekiah-Plate.

Do History Textbooks Fight Religious Fundamentalism?

It is widely recognised that religious fundamentalism as an ideology needs to be refuted on intellectual level. Religious fundamentalists create Pseudo-memories for consumption of susceptible sections of population, such as teenagers who are at formative stages of their identity. In case of India, an official way of refuting the fundamentalist propaganda among the teenagers is the dissemination of secular values through the school textbooks. Indian National System of Education is based on a national curricular framework, which promotes values such as India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy and secularism, equality of sexes, protection of environment, removal of social barriers, observance of small family norm and inculcation of scientific temper.

The present paper is based on the findings of a three-year research project to understand if textbooks of History and Fundamentalism among the teenage students have any correlation. Based on quantitative methodology and analysis of over 2000 questionnaires and several interviews of textbook writers, teachers, parents, students and other stakeholders, the paper attempts to identify the linkages between the construction of Fundamentalist identity and the Pseudo-memories of incompatibility of various cultural groups. It hopes to add to our understanding of the effectiveness of communal propaganda. It should be able to give us insights as to how to deconstruct the process of communalisation of identity and overcome the challenge of religious fundamentalism. This would help suggest some policy measures as regards the effective communication of history that helps in constructing a secular identity.

From the Margins to the Center: Religious Women, the Cistercian Order, and the Power of Reform in Thirteenth-Century Northern France

The first four decades of the thirteenth century were a pivotal time for religious women. Informal groups of women devoted to the ideals of the vita apostolica took root throughout Europe living as beguines, penitents, and Humiliati, laboring and praying communally and eventually finding sanction under the papacy and the institutional church. Although the church recognized many semi-religious women, thirteenth-century popes like Innocent III and Gregory IX pursued a reform agenda that sought to regulate women within cloisters and under approved monastic rules. Doing so functioned as a profound display of papal authority expressed through the power to reform and regulate behavior. This paper examines how and why the papacy and local French bishops sought to reform independent groups of religious women in northern France and incorporate them into the Cistercian order. While many of these groups of women became part of the Cistercian order, appearing as new nunneries in the great filiation lists and tax records, in many cases they continued to pursue the original ideals of poverty, charity and penitential spirituality at the margins of towns and cities and at the edge of approved religious oversight. From the margins, however, the examples and ideals of religious women changed the Cistercian order in meaningful ways, allowing it to participate in the new currents of spirituality even if such participation was manifest through critique and debate. This paper thus investigates the power of those on the margins to become part of the center, while in turn changing the center itself. In this sense this paper is concerned with the power to define the margins of religious life, a power adopted by certain women and employed to significant effect. The negotiations between the papacy, female religious groups and the Cistercian order are important to understand, both because they demonstrate the practical application of the papacy’s reform agenda for women in a locale that has been overlooked by historians and because they inform how subsequent popes dealt with female religious for the rest of the Middle Ages. This topic is significant because it deals with the redefinition of religious power in a thirteenth-century context that valued the powerless and the ideals of immiseration and humility as fundamental to the Christian ascetic experience of the holy.

South Africa: The Arduous Task of Facing our Religious Past

The media-preferred reference to ‘the rainbow nation’ tends to soften both the intensity and divergence of the complex mixture of origens, languages, ideologies, customs, cultures, life styles, worldviews, and skills of the South African society. With Christians totalling more than 80% of the population and the Church recognised as the strongest Non-Government-Organization in the country, one apparent exception to these differences is religion. However, active Christian involvement on both sides of pre-1994 politics resulted in ‘winning’ and ‘losing’ sides. The historic inability of both sides to respond to challenges in a theologically accountable way, left the Church mute and incapacitated during the most critical stages of transformation. Continuous and extreme levels of anxiety which became part of life for the ‘losing’ side resulted in a shrinking perspective, a tightening of the circle and shifting of the burden. This reaction provides no positive contributions to change the current crises of life-threatening and demoralising experiences that turned the New-South-Africa-dream into a nightmare within a decade.

Evading confrontation with the past or constantly postponing it while waiting for the current crises to subside, is not an option any more. This article attempts to identify unresolved issues from the history, culture, theology and major life experiences of Christians who did not oppose ‘apartheid’. By examining the neglected scars and unhealed wounds of the past, alarming attitudes and patterns contributing to the current crises are identified. By clarifying the foundations of the contemporary society, the Church could identify remedial actions to find new direction and life.

The Meaning of Religion: Holiness and Heresy in Christianity, Islam, and Judaism

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Power and Religion in a Modern State: Desecularisation in Australian Politics

A recent study of the relationship between church and state in 152 states claims that in all of them, without exception, there is an increasing engagement of politics with religion (Jonathan Fox, ‘World Separation of Religion and State into the 21st Century’, Comparative Political Studies, 39.5, June 2006, 537-569). One of the 152 states is Australia. The first decade of the twenty-first century has witnessed so much debate in Australia on the relationship between religion and politics as to bewilder the Fourth Estate, whose members have been well versed in the dogma of irreversible secularization. It is a development which has had little enough to do with the mainstream churches which have long been happy with the proposition that the separation of Church and State was enshrined in the federal constitution. It came, most conspicuously, from the political leaders themselves. John Howard, Prime Minister, from 1996 to 2006, and Kevin Rudd, leader of the Australian Labor Party from 2006 and Prime Minister from 2007, are both churchgoers, and overt in their Christianity and its relevance to the public square. Both courted the Christian vote, which may have been critical first to Howard’s electoral success, and then, when social justice issues became important to sufficient voters, to Rudd’s. Their respective cabinet ministers learned to refrain from stereotypically Australian cynical remarks about believers and sought to foster the co-operation between the (predominantly Christian) faith-based and government agencies especially in the delivery of health, education, aged care, and welfare programmes. Desecularisation has brought division, too, into the public discourse over moral and cultural values. This paper seeks to account for dramatic desecularisation in a political system traditionally unconcerned with religious issues. It is a tree, the roots of which lie deep in European history.

Liturgy, Law and Self-representation: Christian kingship in England and Armenia from the late-ninth to the mid-eleventh century

Armenia c. 400-c.1000 and Anglo-Saxon England c.700-c.1000 offer the earliest examples of the power of CHristianity to encourage the development of national identity, including a vernacular literature. In Armenia the liturgy was translated into the vernacular. In England it was not, although in several respects this is surprising. A second contrast is that, in the view of some specialists, by the mid-eleventh century and as a result of deliberate policy of the kings of Wessex, beginning with Alfred, England was a nation-state. In Armenia, kingdoms had proliferated to number five by 1000 AD, following the re-establishment in 884-5 of the Armenian kingship that had been in abeyance since 428 AD. It seems likely that it was concern about authority that prevented the English, whose late-ninth- and tenth-century government is notable for its intrusiveness, from enjoying a vernacular liturgy. Control of thought and behaviour was one of the hallmarks and methods of royal policy with regard to forging an English people who would merit God's favour. The heretical views complained about in tenth-century England were trivial in comparison to the heresy that troubled the contemporary Armenian Church. Using a comparative perspective, this paper will explore the issue of royal and ecclesiastical power over Christian practice and ideas in England and Armenia from the late-ninth to the mid-eleventh century. It will consider the contrast between England's legal tradition, in which the Church contributed to royal written law, itself stimulated by the role model of kingship offered in the OLd Testament, and that of Armenia whose society likewise had a strong OLd TEstament self-image but failed to generate written royal law. It will attempt some comparison of the self-representation of the two kings about whom we can derive a personal impression from the surviving evidence, Alfred of WEssex and his near-contemporary Gagik of Vaspurakan, particularly their exploitation of Christianity and Christian imagery to justify their secular power and claims.

Catholic political mobilization in Buenos Aires, 1918-1946

Between World Wars I and II, the Argentine Catholic Church attained a great political power, enough to determine some state policies and to exert a big influence over national culture and ideology. Its well known alliance with the Army was essential. But to a large extent, its power came from a vigorous and enthusiastic catholic movement, which held an active presence in public debates and in street demonstrations in particular.
This movement was directed and oriented by Acción Católica, founded by the Bishops in 1931. Acción Católica militants and leaders were formed at catholic schools but largely at the parishes. In those years, in Buenos Aires the number of parishes was increasing, accompanying urban growth and new neighborhoods emergence. In each neighborhood, the parish performed an important role either in religious matters or in social activities, including the leisure ones. The parish diffused basic religious practices among a popular society with a strong laic tradition. From its parishioners emerged the militants, especially the young, who set AC up and conducted forcefully the catholic mobilization. In this paper we examine the characteristics of this catholic political mobilization, its remarkable success and its limits, as it was evidenced by the rise of peronism. Particularly, we analyze the connections between parochial life and the integral catholic discourse diffused by Acción Católica.

Hope and Fear in Seventeenth-century England: Richard Saunders' Chiromantic Textbook

The seventeenth-century was once depicted by historians as a 'century of general crisis.’ Also, the 17th century is called 'the golden age of pseudo science.' In this period the so called ‘scientific revolution’ that overturned the universal view began, and all the logic and application of the existing ‘science’ was brought together in hopes of maintaining its existence. The ‘magic’ that was part of the science at the time also experienced a last struggle of survival. The spread of printing allowed to diffuse the knowledge that was previously limited to the intellectuals to the larger public, and this process might have been recognized as the height of pseudo science.
How much indeed were the daily lives of ordinary people influenced by the crisis, however? To approach this question, this paper examines Richard Saunders' chiromantic textbook, Physiognomie, and Chiromancie, Metoposcopie(1653). The chiromancy book Saunders summed is a sort of chiromancy textbook that provides a guide to interpret palm lines to both intellectuals and palm readers. Each page contains different palm lines drawn on the hand models and corresponding explanations to each palm line. The subsequent explanations following around 920 lines and shapes portray both physiognomic character analysis and prophecy.
The narratives of prognostication through chiromancy tell us not only what was told to the people but also what was worth to be told to the people of that period. . In other words, what the people wanted to know in 17th century England. These 920 predictions include a much more varied assortment of human problems and can be largely classified as death, injury, wealth and fame, sex and marriage, health condition and diseases, disposition and character.
Saunders' chiromantic text reveals that the narrative of prognostications proved adaptable to the needs of the social environment. While the text maintains the central features of traditional human misfortune such as death, disease, and sudden disasters in life, it denotes the growing awareness of a new type of insecurity: the crisis of social relations. Alienation and distrust of one's fellow man were the predominant features of this period and chiromancy was utilized to teach a man to choose his friends and to recognize his enemies. The text also demonstrates that people tended to blame other people for their misfortune rather than blaming themselves.

Elections and democracy in XIXth century Mexico

This paper will discuss the development of elections and electoral institutions in early republican Mexico from the time of independence until the last quarter of the century. It accounts for the development of the right to vote and of different electoral institutions.

Construir la república: semántica y dilemas de la soberanía popular en Argentina del siglo XIX

El propósito de esta ponencia es reflexionar sobre el proceso de construcción de la república argentina en el siglo XIX desde una doble perspectiva que anude los modos de conceptualizar la soberanía popular con las acciones políticas tendientes a regularla a partir de los nuevos ordenamientos jurídico-políticos que emergieron luego de la crisis de la monarquía española de 1808. Es sabido que esta crisis abrió en el conjunto del espacio hispanoamericano un abanico de alternativas y de disyuntivas que los actores políticos del periodo debieron sortear hasta llegar a la consolidación de Estados-naciones. En este sentido se explorarán en el Río de la Plata, algunas de las tensiones y conexiones entre la aceptación, por un lado de la república como forma de gobierno general, basada en el principio de la soberanía popular y de la representación política, y las modulaciones que fue adoptando “la república” tanto desde el punto de vista conceptual como jurídico-político. En este segundo plano, los desplazamientos producidos desde las “repúblicas capitulares” pasando por las “repúblicas provinciales” hasta llegar a la “república Argentina” están íntimamente vinculados a la redefinición de la imputación territorial del sujeto de la soberanía. La reflexión incluirá, por lo tanto, un análisis integrado de las variaciones que exhibió el problema de la soberanía asociado al de la construcción de la(s) república(s) a lo largo del siglo XIX.

Bolívar’s Raceless Nation

During the independence wars and up to his death in 1830, Simón Bolívar struggled to build a raceless nation while simultaneously fearing slave uprisings and what he called “pardocracia” (literally the rule of the pardos, or free people of African descent). Based on archival research in Colombia, on Bolívar’s speeches, decrees, and correspondence with other patriots as well as on Gran Colombia’s constitutions and laws, my paper will focus on the internal tensions in Bolívar’s vision of the future Gran Colombian nation produced by his republican yet authoritarian and hierarchical social ideals, his concern for keeping the lower classes, particularly the pardos, in check, and his close experience with troops of diverse origins and training. It will pay special attention to the evolution of Bolívar’s conception of the nation and the changing means he thought necessary to prevent a lower-class and pardo takeover that included banning the colonial racial categories, silencing the issues of race and racism, and executing leaders of African descent who might embody pardocracia.
My paper will end with a discussion of Bolívar’s attempt to impose a semi monarchical constitution in 1826-28, when socio-racial tensions were mounting and Gran Colombia slowly disintegrated. Bolívar’s constitution would have transformed Gran Colombia into a federation of authoritarian republics placed under the supreme authority of a president for life (himself) who was to choose his successor, a formula he borrowed from the 1816 Haitian constitution. The project guaranteed equality and banned all privileges as well as slavery, but limited suffrage to those who were literate, paid taxes, and had an occupation. Like previous constitutions, it did not mention the colonial racial categories and integrated Indians and men of African descent into the citizenship. Yet during his dictatorship of 1828-30, Bolívar did not abolish slavery, repressed attempts by the lower classes of color to politically challenge the status quo, and restored the colonial indigenous tribute.

Regional elites, monarchic state and national project: The meanings of Brazilian republicanism in the 19th century

Institutional continuity in Brazil in the course of the 19th century is usually ascribed to the unique experience of an independence that was engendered within monarchy and to the constitution of a unity on the basis of the state that, even before the advent of the nation, had a considerable level of cohesion among a highly trained elite, whose members had been in most cases educated and socialized in the metropolis. Thus, it is argued that the state elite and monarchic succession guaranteed the institutional stability that characterized the political experience in Brazil in comparison to the other South-American nations in the 19th century.
This paper does not challenge the general lines of that thesis, but tries to highlight the role played by the regional elites in the creation of political stability under the monarchy and in the reception of republican ideas in 19th century Brazil. In our view, the variations of the concept of republic and Brazilian republicanism in the 19th century provide a lens through which one can examine the movement of the regional elites in their negotiations with the political center and identify possible forms of loyalty, dissent and autonomy of those elites vis-à-vis the political center.
In a broad spectrum that ranges from purely formal interpretations of the regime’s institutional advantages to the creation of modernizing or reformist projects for society and the state, including more or less ephemeral experiences of actual institutional rupture – one of them is the secessionist alternative that attracted the elites in southern provinces of the empire in the 1830s – the various forms of expression of Brazilian political agents and republican propagandists in the 19th century constitute cases of political aggiornamento and repositioning of the regional groups among themselves and in their relationship with the court. At the methodological level, they function as a key to understand the nature of the relationships that structured the universe of power and the relationships between regional elites and imperial power in Brazil.

The dilemmas of the republican experiment in Peru, 1821-1878.

In Peru, just in like any territory that belonged to the Spanish Empire, the experiment of constructing political representation occurred amidst uncertainty, and thus it produced, among political actors, a combination of fear and hope. The image of the forking path provided by the newspaper "La Abeja Republicana", gives an accurate view of the way many Peruvians felt, in regards of the future of their nation.
In this paper I would like to reflect on the political conditions under which modern Peru came to life. Therefore, I propose a discussion on three historical junctures that, I beleive, had a direct impact on the formation of the country's political culture. The analysis of the first juncture, including the election of the first Constitutional Congress and the legislative elections of 1826, helps to address some of the problems that strained Peru's republican experiment. The political culture fashioned during the tradition from colonial to a republican system suffered several transformations in the years of the militarized republic (1829-1872). By means of a procedure that included political pacts with the "pueblos" the military helped incorporate the provinces into a national political system.
The complex electoral model devised by general Castilla (1845-1850) and its followers-which was fostered by guano money-had its utmost expression in the election of general Echenique as president of the republic. In 1851 Echenique transferred both patrimonial practices and the culture of war to the electoral arena. The Liberal Revolution of 1854 that removed Echenique from power attempted to transform the political culture introducing a more democratic agenda for Peru.
During the 1860's, which marks the crises of the militarized republic, a group of civilians formulated the idea of nationally based political clubs which they thought could compete with the "caudillo's" old political machineries. The process went through several stages, reaching its climax in the elections of 1872. There the civilista movement, led by Manuel Pardo, was able to defeat, at last, the candidate of the military with a blend of republican ideology, money, a national organization and great expertise in the electoral system procedures.

The Nation as seen from the Battlefield: Soldiers and Peasants in the Making of Independent Peru

It is commonly held that upon the proclamation of independence and following the progressive dismantling of the market circuits that had held Peru together during the colonial period, the newly born country fragmented into pieces that hardly related to one another. Some have said that to speak of “nation” and “state” in this context is but an artifice of language. This paper will contest this economic-centered view of the republic’s birth by highlighting the role of war and the army as vehicles of integration of the most remote villages of the country with the central government in Lima.
I argue that war itself drew the boundaries of the state. My analysis will focus on the independence campaigns of 1821 to 1824, which I maintain, created a pattern of fight that subsequent civil wars will follow. I observe the interstices in which the state manifests itself through individuals and the boundaries between militaries and civilians became blurry. By analyzing previously undisclosed war dispatches and correspondence kept in Peru’s Military Archive, the paper will provide the perspective of the soldiers, form the highest officers to the lowest ranking sergeants, village authorities, and guerilla commanders, as they set up to raise the armies for the independence campaigns, in the north, center and south of the country.

Livre, cultures et nationalités en Europe centrale et orientale, XVe-XIXe siècle

Livre, cultures et nationalités en Europe centrale et orientale, XVe-XIXe siècle

Nouvelles tendances de l'histoire du livre chinois

Depuis quelques années l'histoire du livre chinois a connu une évolution notable et rapide et une production exponentielle. Longtemps domaine quasiment exclusif des érudits de Chine, l'histoire du livre s'est maintenant largement ouverte aux chercheurs étrangers, spécialement occidentaux. L'apport de l'histoire du livre européen a permis de modifier radicalement les perspectives de cette discipline traditionelle. Ce sont ces tendances nouvelles qui seront exposées dans la présente communication.

L'Espace Atlantique et la Civilisation Mondialisé. L'histoire et l'évolution du livre en Amérique Latine

Analyser les divers parcours du livre entre Europe et Amérique Latine c'est le but de notre texte. On va essayer de démontrer le composant international, multiculturel et multi-ethnique du livre soit dans la culture latino-américaine, soit dans la culture européenne. L histoire du livre dans l'Amérique du Sud ne peut pas se renfermer sur elle-même, une fois que dans son évolution le livre est instrument et partie constitutive d'une diversité planétaire.
Le livre a écrit des pages très importantes dans la construction de la modernité et du capitalisme globalisé. Ses lieux de production, ses circuits de circulation, ses destinataires, ses formules éditoriaux, ses formats matériaux, ses lieux de dépôts, sa valeur symbolique, ses contenus et ses répertoires textuels ont été mélangés à l'histoire de la colonisation, pas seulement lusophone et hispanophone, dans la nouvelle ordre économique et social de l'espace atlantique, mais à l'histoire du contact et des échanges culturelles, ethniques, politiques et scientifiques des deux côtés de l'Atlantique.

Le livre dans les (ex-)colonies - Les Pays Bas/l'Afrique du Sud/ L' Indonesie

Dans les (ex-)colonies, le livre a joué un rôle important. Pour les Pays Bas surtout l’Afrique du Sud et ‘l Indonesie etaient des regions ou on lisait de l’imprimé en neerlandais.
Comment les éditeurs néerlandais ont-ils saisi cette opportunité ? Ont-ils exporté beaucoup de livres ou ont-ils ouvert des filiales à l’étranger ? L’État néerlandais a-t-il, dans un élan de nationalisme, favorisé la création d’un marché du livre néerlandais à l’étranger ? Dans ma contribution au congrès, je me propose d’aborder ces thèmes afin d’identifier les réseaux internationaux par rapport aux (ex)colonies.

Le livre dans les mondes arabo-musulmans : une perspective transculturelle

Cette présentation aura pour objet la question du livre dans les mondes arabo-musulmans dans une perspective transculturelle et transnationale. Dans les pays arabes, les débuts tardifs de l’imprimerie conjugués à l’extrême lenteur des progrès de l’alphabétisation ont certainement eu des effets très important quant à l’acculturation vis-à-vis de l’imprimé, ce qui d’ailleurs contraste avec l’appropriation rapide des innovations technologiques constituées par les nouveaux médias. La question de la double tension entre les dimensions pan-arabe et nationale des champs éditoriaux sera étudiée en relation avec la dimension transnationale des sites de diffusion du livre. Le rôle du livre dans la définition des frontières et des franchissements culturels sera traité en relation avec les formes de cosmopolitisme qui caractérisent les différentes capitales ou villes-relais de l’imprimé.

L'histoire du livre en Amérique du Nord depuis l'an 2000

Bilan des dix années écoulées depuis la publication des Mutations du livre et de l'édition dans le monde (PUL/L'Harmattan, 2000). Présentation des progrès réalisés en Amérique du Nord (Canada + États-Unis) sur le plan de la recherche en histoire du livre (contenu et méthodologie). Il s'agira de faire le point sur les travaux de la dernière décennie qui a été marquée par la réalisation de plusieurs grands projets collectifs ayant mené (à ce jour) à la publication de l'Histoire du livre et de l'imprimé au Canada/History of the Book in Canada (six volume) et de A history of the Book in America (trois et bientôt quatre volumes).

Healthy of unhealthy families? The transfer of infant and child mortality patterns across generations

In an earlier article, the authors found a high degree of clustering in infant and childhood mortality in some regions in 19th Century Sweden. Deaths were concentrated to certain high risk families. A couple of characteristics were identified. Belonging to high mortality families was related both to biological and social traits. In this paper we focus on clustering across generations. Do high risk families appear across generations indicating some sort of transfer from parents to children? Is it inherited on both the male as the female line? We perform separate analyses of neonatal, postneonatal and early childhood mortality. Neonatal mortality can be assumed to be more related to genetic and biologic factors while exogenous factors as social conditions and behavior have more impact on the other age groups. We also analyse the connections to fertility behavior and mortality. The areas studied are the Sundsvall and the Skellefteå regions in the north of Sweden and the period is the 19th century. The research material is data files from the Demographic Data Base at Umeå University and consists of information from the parish registers allowing us to analyse life courses of the individuals as well as follow families across generations.

Fertility, nuptiality and the intergenerational transmission of the family fund in Western Europe 1930-1960. An exploration into an alternative hypothesis.

In Dutch historiography, as well as in many Princeton monographs, a culture, language or religion like Catholicism behaves like an ‘outdated prop’ (Caldwell) that would have prevented populations to accept lower levels of fertility and of higher nuptiality. A major problem with these variables is that it is unclear how they exactly work. Is a demographic behavior of high Ig and low Im – linked to religion – caused by a compositional effect, or by a contextual effect, covering socio-economic and political influences (Anderson)? Exploring the case of the abrupt collapse of a traditional system of procreation in a Catholic area of property owning small peasants, an contextual explanation will be offered. The development of the relations between parents and adult children will be focused upon. More specifically, the rules of (in)equality of the intergenerational transmission of the family fund will be analyzed, and will be applied to various European areas.

Values and demography: do values shape intergenerational change?

Recent fertility behaviour in many countries suggests a major shift in values in relation to fertility, family formation and paid work across generations. This shift was presaged in the last decades of the twentieth century when birth rates dropped in ways which caused unprecedented concern. Yet shortly before that period, in certain parts of the English-speaking world in the late 1940s and 1950s, birth rates had appeared uncommonly high, causing talk of a baby boom. What happened to bring about such a major shift in attitude and behaviour between two generations? This paper explores the family formation and fertility behaviour of highly-educated women in both Australia and the United States, beneficiaries of major changes in the economy and the education system. Taking a qualitative approach which draws on surveys and personal records (university reunion books, interviews, diaries and letters) it seeks to identify the values changes which led many women to curtail their fertility and question their role in the world. I ask whether Dirk van de Kaa’s notion of post-modern values can help illuminate the question, whether we can indeed talk as he does of a second demographic transition. In particular I ask whether gender relations can change so radically across generations that family formation and birth rates are affected. What is the part that education plays in this transformation of both values and behaviour?

Did family size affect intergenerational mobility during the demographic transition? An analysis using a multi-generation database of 19th century Antwerp

It has been argued in sociology, economics, and evolutionary anthropology that family size limitation enhances the intergenerational upward mobility chances in modernized societies. In contrast, if parents have a large flock, family resources get diluted and intergenerational mobility is bound to head downwards. Yet, the empirical record supporting this resource dilution hypothesis is limited. This article tests empirically the effect of family size limitation on intergenerational mobility chances in an urban, late nineteenth century population in Western Europe. It uses life course data from the Belgian city of Antwerp between 1846 and 1920. Findings support the resource dilution hypothesis: after controlling for confounding factors, people with many children were more likely to end up in the lower classes. Yet, family size limitation was effective as a defensive rather than an offensive strategy in Antwerp: it prevented the next generation to go down the social ladder rather than helping them to climb it up. Also, resource dilution appears to have been particularly relevant for the middle classes. Implications for demographic transition theory are discussed.

„Local memory on war, German occupation and Soviet postwar experiences in the Donbass region – results of an oral history project (2001-2007)

Larger postwar interview projects with people in the former Soviet Union mainly dealt with special victim groups, mostly Jewish survivors, and in recent times also deported forced labourers, and mainly focussed on their experiences of repression. Other projects interviewed special nationality groups, f.e. Ukrainians, who later emigrated to Northamerica, or members of the organisation of Ukrainian nationalists in Western Ukraine. But so far very few interviews have been recorded with ordinary civilans, who lived under German occupation and experienced national-socialist rule in their everyday live. This paper presents results of a small oral history project during the years 2001-2007. In this project 56 local people in the Donbass region - the former main coal region of the Soviet Union – were interviewed by Dmytro Tytarenko and me about their experiences under the 22 months of German rule. Many aspects of these local memories had been suppressed for decades by the official Soviet and post-soviet memory discourses, but nevertheless survived until today and often were passed on to the next generation by forms of family memory.
Terror clearly was one of the main experiences under German occupation, but it was never absolute. There also existed other spheres of contact and interrelation between Germans and locals, which hardly have been studied so far. Therefore the interviewees were not only asked about how they experienced the murder of the Jews and Soviet POWs or the forced deportations of workers to Germany and the terror against the civilian population, but also about their everyday and work experiences, their survival strategies, religion and cultural live, collaboration and resistance and their individual relationships with the occupiers (Germans and allies). Moreover the respondents were asked about their experiences under Soviet retreat in 1941 and Soviet liberation in 1943 and their live in the postwar Soviet Union, including the different forms of stigmatisation and discrimination against those, who had lived in occupied territory. The wide scope of answers shows again that wartime experiences and biographies of the Soviet citizens often were much more complex and contradictory, than historians have recognized so far and often did not fit into narrow frames of interpretation.

German and Japanese Wars of Extermination 1937/41-1943

This paper tries to analyze the parallels of two extremely violent cases of occupation: German crimes in the occupied Soviet Union 1941-1944 and the crimes of the Imperial Japanese Army in occupied Northern China (Hebei, Northern Henan, Shandong, Shanxi provinces) 1937/41-1943.

“Friendly occupations” – Post-World War II interim military rule in Western Europe and Southeast Asia compared

At the end of the Second World War, liberation from German rule in Western Europe [France and the Netherlands] and from Japanese rule in Indonesia and Indochina resulted in new occupations. Enemy forces were replaced by friendly ones; foreign interventions were continued. As a result, the national and colonial rulers were – to various degrees – depending on allied but foreign power for re-establishing their rule. In this paper, we intend to discuss and compare the dynamics of this ‘friendly’ military interim rule in Europe and Asia. The interaction between ‘friendly’ occupiers and occupied peoples and rulers is supposed to have had a broad impact on post-war (re)constructions of statehood and societies.
These foreign occupations were not without problems. The starting point will be the conceptualization and mandates of allied military occupation, as rooted in international law and applied in legal agreements between the relevant civil and military authorities. One crucial problem is that of the legitimacy of interim rule, which is connected both to the specific agendas and to the performance or efficacy of the administrations. The aspirations of interim rule were constantly changing and often contested by the parties involved. The agendas of the interim rulers were both hybrid and limited – hybrid owing to the mixed civil and military aspects of the occupation; and limited in their time frame, because they were primarily conceived as a necessary step to a postwar geopolitical order. Still, both agendas and time became a source of friction between the occupational and indigenous authorities.
We will investigate the reconfiguration of national, regional and local societies and powers under friendly foreign rule. We will concentrate on a few crucial issues, such as the monopoly of violence, the problems of information and the lack of ‘local knowledge’, and the interference in politics and society.
A comparative study of ‘friendly’ occupation will provide knowledge about the tribulations of the immediate postwar order in a crucial period of transition from war to ‘normalcy’, in a way that is still relevant in today’ s world in which peace-keeping and peace-enforcing is a highly contested part of working towards world order.

Italian POWS and Internees in Occupied China, 1943-1945. An Historical Assessment

Generally speaking, the dates of July 25th and September 8th 1943 are linked, in the collective memory of the Italian people, to a period marked by tragic events, to the confusion of the Italian armed forces, and to the deportation of several hundred thousands people, both military and civilians, who saw the beginning of the dramatic path to internment.
Many authoritative studies on the history of Italian armed forces indicate that more than 1,200,000 Italians were taken as war prisoners during WWII. According to some estimates, almost half of these prisoners were captured by the Anglo-American, almost the same amount by the German and some 40-50.000 were in Russian hands. In the opinion of many scholars, the studies which have so far been produced in Italy are still largely insufficient to draw a historically comprehensive picture of what happened in those years.
Also, these studies say nothing at all or very few things of those Italians, who were in China on September 8th 1943, and were made prisoners by the Japanese.
After September 8th, Japanese troops seized – among other places – the Italian Concession in Tianjin: one part of the Italians, who renewed their trust in Mussolini, kept on operating, though in difficult conditions, in the new political framework; some of them experienced – even briefly – the humiliation of being imprisoned. On the other hand, those who had lined up with Badoglio, were usually sent to concentration camps. Similar events occurred in other Chinese cities, first of all in Shanghai and especially in the International Concession.
The history of those Italians (belonging to both parties), who were in China on that September 8th, basically remains to be written. We are certainly speaking of a minority among the thousands of Italians who suffered, often for many years (generally from 3 to 6 years, since many repatriations ended up in 1947), for being interned. Nevertheless, I believe that, however quantitatively limited, the history of these people plays but an important part in qualitative terms, as part of a more complex historical reconstruction mad up of so many individual stories of human beings who lived those tragic years.
The aim of my presentation is to try to open a new research field, filling potentially a serious gap which exists till today on such important topics. Being a research project which I have just started on, I basically expect to address some general aspects and questions, relying at the same time to some diaries and memories which I have already been able to collect.
The main sources on which I expect to rely are both in Italian, English, French and Chinese (and possibly also Japanese) languages.

Guido Samarani
Professor, History of Contemporary China
Department of East Asian Studies
Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy
Palazzo Vendramin
Dorsoduro 3462
Venezia 30123, ITALY
++39 041 2349505
samarani@unive.it

Intercity Connections: Glasgow and Liverpool’s Atlantic networks in the eighteenth century

The use of networks in historical analysis has become popular in recent years, and Atlantic history in particular has made good use of this methodology. Many of the current works on the early-modern British Atlantic make excellent connections between Britain generally and the British West Indies, between Scotland and the West Indies, between Glasgow and Virginia and more recently on Liverpool and Philadelphia. However, there is very little work on the connections between the two cities within Britain vying for the title of second city of Empire– Liverpool and Glasgow. Given the importance of these two cities to the British empire at this time, with Glasgow’s dominance in the tobacco trade and Liverpool’s importance to the slave trade, it seems worthwhile to further investigate the links between these two cities. In doing so this paper aims to make links between the two cities themselves, and their joint role between them and the wider Atlantic world.

This paper forms part of a larger project on the merchants of Liverpool and their connections with the British-Atlantic world. A quick glance at the shipping information in the Liverpool newspapers highlights the amount of trade between Liverpool and Glasgow, and certainly the coastal trade was a large (if as yet unquantified) part of Liverpool’s commerce. However, the paucity of surviving records within Liverpool outside of the slave trade means that records in Scotland have to be used in order to decipher the trade relationships between the two cities. Preliminary research into this area has given a tantalising glance into the relationships between merchants in the two cities. For example, Buchanan and Simson had connections with some major Liverpool houses including Crosbies & Trafford, James Gildart and Halliday & Dunbar. Buchanan & Simson imported tobacco from Maryland and sugar from Jamaica via Liverpool (and tobacco from Bristol as well) and exported goods to Maryland via Halliday & Dunbar. They co-invested in ships to the West Indies, exported merchandise for barter on the African coast with Crosbies and Trafford and were involved in underwriting insurance with James Gildart. These merchant houses also swapped price data and commodities between the two cities in order to solve market imperfections. It would appear that whilst in competition with one another, these two cities were also connected.

It is hoped that further research will illuminate and complicate these relationships. Research questions of the data might include: was the coastal trade between these two cities more important than their joint relationship with the wider Atlantic? to what extent did these intercity networks within Great Britain play a part in wider Atlantic developments? This is an exploratory paper, but hopefully one which will prompt further research into this more coastal aspect of Atlantic networks for Scottish merchants.

Local connections, global ambitions: creating Scottish networks in the eighteenth-century British Atlantic world

This paper explores the ways that networks originating in Scotland expanded and extended throughout the British Atlantic world in the eighteenth century. It uses one particular case study: the Baillies of Dochfour, who originated in the Highlands of Scotland, but spread their influence throughout the Atlantic world. Regarded by Henry Laurens as among the principal slave traders in St Kitts, the Baillies acquired plantations and built mercantile links with a series of British Caribbean islands. They then returned to Britain to establish themselves as leading merchants and politicians in the key English ports of Bristol, Liverpool and London.

The paper shows that members of the family employed a variety of strategies to expand and secure their network, including connections of kin, marriage and commercial advantage. It suggests that to understand the practices of Scottish merchants, historians need to look beyond those in Glasgow. In so doing, the existence of global ambitions in places like the Highlands (not traditionally regarded as an imperial power centre) also points us towards the pervasiveness of empire in British society. At the same time, the family’s movement from the Highlands to the Caribbean to the metropolitan centres of Britain tells us much about how the British Isles were unified and how the British Atlantic world was forged.

Strikingly, the Baillies, through connections with other branches of their family, also entered the slave trade on the African coast and East India Company service. From a small base in the Highlands of Scotland, then, this family embraced a global ambition, arguably with a greater clarity and coherence of purpose than was possible for governments of the day.

Commerce on the Peripheries: Atlantic Trade Networks Among Boston's Scottish Merchants

In 1682, John Borland, a young Scot recently released from his indenture to a Glasgow merchant, arrived in Boston and began to construct an impressive commercial network that ultimately stretched from New England to the Caribbean, Surinam, the Netherlands, London, Glasgow and Ulster. Borland entered an active international trading community in New England, and was most likely attracted to the region because of its large and growing population of Scottish merchants. Although commercial networks in the early modern period are frequently seen as emanating from centers toward outlying regions, this pattern perhaps better describes eighteenth-century commerce. In the seventeenth century, trade was more diffuse, with merchants located in ports throughout the Atlantic world, connected by intricate networks of countrymen. This paper outlines Borland’s commercial connections to illustrate this pattern of trade and to underscore the role of merchants in peripheral regions in seventeenth-century Atlantic commerce.

In the early modern world, commercial networks developed through many sources, particularly nationality and kinship. Scots in Boston used these channels, and also developed a colonial version of the Royal Scottish Corporation in London, the Scots’ Charitable Society. This benevolent organization was founded in Boston in 1657/8 to aid indigent Scots in the region, and by the end of the century, the SCS connected Scottish merchants throughout England’s mainland colonies, the West Indies and Scotland. Membership in the SCS facilitated the diffuse trade networks through which most of Boston Scots worked.

John Borland’s commercial networks show us that the late seventeenth-century Atlantic world was a wide-open market for merchants. Although Europe’s colonizing countries tried to limit and control mercantile activities, they did not have the power to do so effectively. Merchants from smaller, more peripheral countries based in colonial regions permeated Atlantic markets, trading through countrymen throughout the region. Even though scholars have been debating the characteristics, and even the existence, of various Atlantic worlds (British, Dutch, or French Atlantics, for example) in the seventeenth century, merchants and sailors from smaller countries transcended such “imperial” boundaries and created a multi-national, multi-ethnic Atlantic.

Commerce-raiding Activity in the Spanish American Empire

Recent scholarship on early modern pirates, most notably Marcus Rediker’s, has largely characterized them as a rebellious—and hence criminal—maritime working class during the rise of capitalism in the Atlantic World. In contrast, this study considers pirates as businessmen by re-examining their own sense of legitimacy within the context of the rise of capitalist politics, most famously Locke’s influential 1688 redefinition of the state-economy condominium. Using hitherto unknown Spanish archival evidence, I analyze the 1687 split that occurred within a company of adventurers headed by Captain Swan and the famous William Dampier, who operated in Spain’s Asian and Pacific waters at the very moment that Locke was writing his treatises. Swan’s men split off from Dampier’s because they could no longer accept Dampier’s definition of piratical acts as “privateering.” Thus maritime entrepreneurs worldwide were exploring the legitimation of their actions and words dialectically in terms of capitalist and liberal trends; they were doing so in order to strategize predation’s place within profit and to test the boundaries between globally competing types of political and economic systems.

From Lepanto to Utrecht: the Golden Age of the Mediterranean Privateering

Between the Battle of Lepanto (1571) and the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), an alternative to maritime war and trade developed strongly in the Mediterranean - the corso. During this period, the interaction of three significant factors stimulated commerce-raiding activity. First, there was political instability, especially in relations between Spain and France. Second, vessels and traders from the Atlantic ports of north-west Europe penetrated all the commercial routes of the Mediterranean. Third, the Holy War between Muslims and Christians raged throughout the era. The conjunction of these factors created the perfect economic and political environment for privateering to flourish.

An Enemy in Peace: Maritime Predators & the British Government, 1815-1830

Despite Britain's neutrality in the Latin American Wars of Independence, British trade in the western hemisphere suffered frequent interruptions and spoliations at the hands of maritime predators in the period 1815-1830. This paper analyses the measures adopted by the British government to suppress this prize-taking activity within the context of its wider foreign policy objectives. Such an investigation reveals much about the nature and extent of state power in the early nineteenth century.

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Images as sources for the History of Education: New approaches and challenges for the future

The images had increasingly became a valuable source for the History of Education in the last decade. They provide information about the materiality of schooling, but also about the symbols and representations of educational activities and developments. Pedagogical innovations usually have an iconic representation universally recognizable, as long as many of the activities daily performed in the classroom. The representations of the schoolteacher, the students or of the disciplinary means have also cross the borders and contribute to create a global "image" of the education constructed along several centuries.
The paper focus on the role of the images as sources for the History of Education, if they provide with information that cannot be found in any other sources and the methodological issues discussed in the scientific community in the last years. Some different methodological approaches will be presented and we will analyse its possibilities for exploring new fields of research in History of Education.

Films in History Teaching – What effects do they have?

According to several empirical surveys, films are frequently used in secondary school history classes and they are of special appeal to pupils. Following some short remarks on the most important contributions of history didactics on the subject of “films in teaching”, the following questions are going to be answered on the basis of selected empirical studies:
- What issues of 20th century history are illustrated by film in classes?
- How do teachers deal with different categories of films? (e.g. documentary, feature film, historical film, compilation film, didactical film)
- To what degree are the pupils made aware of the characteristics of these categories?
- To what degree is the information transmitted by film consolidated in class? Is a source-critical approach to films cultivated?
- Is this information brought into connection with other sources of information?

In conclusion, I shall present some theses that show possible values of the use of films in history classes for the development of the pupil’s historical awareness.

Transforming images of world history through internet in history classroom

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Photography as Political History: Hot Spots in Cold War

Background : The countries receiving Marshall help in 1948 - 1950 were required to participate in a major public relations program to explain the plan through text, photography and film. Well-known American media leaders teamed with European photographers were hired to promote the program and to organize a vast production of visual material intended for exhibitions and publication. The purpose was to give Europeans the facts and figures on the European Recovery Program and to promote the idea of a united European community.

The aim of my research is to investigate how photographs participate in the construction of the historic. By bringing into spotlight new research material; photographic files that were created under very specific political and economical condition, I will discuss the rhetoric between photography and politics in the aftermath of World War II.

Methodologies: The research subject as such opens up some urgent questions of how to deal with photographic files in archives. How can photographic archives contribute to new readings of the past? How to balance the empirical research and the theoretical approach? How to characterize a historic file, which is organized around a political argument, supporting an utopian narrative? By using both empirical research methodology and documentary film theory, the readings seem to be determined, neither by the subject matter nor by the intentions of the photographer, but rather by the contexts in which the images have been filed, exhibited and published. By placing the images into the iconographic context of the post-war period, investigating how they were published and diffused in a particular context, showing how the photographs were contextualized through supporting texts or legends, or on the contrary de-contextualized and relocated in a narrative, supported by typography and layout, problems of “voice over” and “rhetorical representation” become immanent.

Dynamics of Mortuary Politics in Yoruba Society, Nigeria

This paper investigates the change-producing forces in Yoruba mortuary practice from the nineteenth century till date. It focuses, among other things, on the role of religion, social status, affluence, and the relentless claims of tradition. The issue of individual identity is also crucial to this study as the place and manner in which a person is interred confirms and seals his/her identity vis-à-vis others in the society. Another pertinent issue is the ownership of the dead body, and here, I discuss the various roles played by the family, the community, and even the state (in the case of public figures) in claiming the dead. At the heart of this study is the question of the rights of the dead in Yoruba society. Do the Yoruba dead have any rights given the contestation over them irrespective of their own will (emotive and/or legal), by the different parties mentioned above? This paper shows how the ‘rights’ of the Yoruba dead have been variously contested, confirmed, and even exercised by proxy, depending on the exigencies of the time. To illustrate this, interesting examples are drawn from the dead of various descriptions: nineteenth-century Christian converts, twentieth-century Yoruba traditional rulers and other public figures.

Demands of the dead and archaeological interventions

This paper examines the construction of rights in relation to the dead, focusing in particular on the ways in which Christian traditions in Western Europe and North America have informed archaeological practice. The dead are not a unitary category and the ways in which they are endowed with rights serve to articulate difference, recognizing some bodies after death as more suitable to be identified, remembered, mourned and reburied. In this context I’d also like to consider the ways in which the agency of the dead has been conceptualized and relate this to changing perceptions of human remains in archaeological anthropology.

Posthumous Dignity

Do the dead have rights? If we want to tackle this question, we have to create clarity about a another question that logically precedes it: who or what are the dead? I argue that the ontological status of the dead is ambiguous because the dead are less than human beings but more than dead bodies. They are no longer human beings, but are still reminiscent of them. In trying to catch that ambiguity, I define the dead as former human beings. This definition is superior to rival definitions. It has one important consequence: that the dead do not possess rights (that is, human rights). However, it is not because the dead do not possess rights, that the living do not have duties regarding them. On the contrary, they do. The question is why. My answer is that the living have duties to the dead because the dead possess posthumous dignity and therefore deserve respect and protection. Posthumous dignity should not be confused with human dignity. The claim that the dead possess posthumous dignity rests on indirect but firm and widely shared evidence. The essay closes with a discussion of some of the broader repercussions of my findings.

Dignity, Rights, and Care: A Materialist Approach to the Rights of the Dead

This paper argues that philosophical arguments about the dignity, agency and rights of the dead all become fatally entangled in issues of cultural difference and ontological uncertainty (about who the dead are, and what they want). It asks that we shift our focus from theoretical justifications for the rights of the dead to the question of what the rights of the dead would do in a real-world context: the context of forensic investigations of human rights violations. In this context, I argue, teams of forensic scientists cannot possibly grant or restore the human rights of the dead with anything approaching the completeness or universality that human rights demand. Instead, I offer a materialist approach to the violated dead body, one inspired by the movement for the repatriation of remains to indigenous peoples. This model sees forensic investigation as a form of repatriation of the bodies, objects, and even living children of the dead and disappeared, all of which were violently displaced from the physical and social worlds they once inhabited.

Neither Oblivion nor Memory

By combining three of my art projects xy-ungelöst, Container and Mathemes of Re-association (Monument Group) this paper attempts to investigate the ways in which we can engage with the past to confront the drives to forget.
“xy ungelöst” the work which is about a massacre that took place in Kosovo in 1989 when 33 ethnic Albanians were killed; “Container” - crime that happened in North Afghanistan when thousands Taliban people were killed during the American invasion “Mathemes of Re-association” (with a Monument Group) - genocide in Srebrenica that happened in 1995. Different artistic strategies of reconstructing the suppressed memory of traumatic events of mass killings in a relationship with the community will be presented. These artworks are critically investigating the politics of rights to narrate traumatic past and artistic strategies of taking over the right to narration of the crime; a creative act of producing a visual trace, which opposes the politics of total annihilation, with a focus on questioning the politics of administering the body remains (with the Monument Group); Throughout the entire process of forensic analysis, quantification, and identification of the Srebrenica victims body remains, an unpleasant surplus remains: the corporeal surplus that cannot be identified, quantified, buried, or sacralized—the surplus of debased matter, of scattered, excess bones. It is precisely this unpleasant, radically inassimilable material remainder that opens up the real space of politics. It offers itself as, literally, the ground for a process of subjectivization that would not be identity-bound, and that would demand a different sort of memory-politics. We do not know the proper name of this political subjectivization tied to the non-identifiable corporeal remainder, but we do know that its mandate is to interrupt the “parallel convergence” of the contemporary constructions of identity and the politics of terror.
These artworks are centered on a simple hypothesis: There is no remembrance without the political subject. Such is the first step towards a truly political construction correlative to the “unidentified remainder of the crime”.

On books and bullion: A quantitative analysis of the impact of printing on financial integration at the end of the Middle Ages

The introduction of printing in Europe has been described as an ‘information revolution’. While the social and cultural impact of printing has attracted wide scholarly attention, to date, its effect on economic life has been relatively little explored. Market integration, more markedly than other aspects of the economy, is directly influenced by the availability of information and the ability of agents to decode them. As the bullion market integrated more easily than markets for heavier or bulkier goods, its dynamics have implications for the assessment of the importance of the ‘information revolution’ on the growth potential of the late medieval economy as a whole. The analysis is based on panel data of market exchange rates between gold and silver coins, and relies on the ‘law of one price’ as a means to measure financial integration between city-pairs. The effect of printing is captured by the extent to which variations in financial integration are explained by the presence of a printing press and the volume of printing output, as measured by the number of book-editions per capita published. The channels through which printing influenced financial markets are investigated by examining how it interacted with population size and the presence of a university. Preliminary analysis suggests that, whilst printing fell short of having a revolutionary effect on financial integration, it did favor convergence of the value of bullion across city-pairs.

Trade relations between Ancient Rome and Ancient India: A role of Buddhism ( 200 BC-AD 250)

The age of the Shakas, Kushanas and Satavahanas ( 200 BC-AD 250) was the most flourishing period in the history of trade and commerce in ancient India. Particularly this period witnessed remarkable growth in the trade relations between Ancient India and Ancient Rome. Also this period is known for the dominance of Buddhism in the history of India. Buddhism was supported by royal patronage as well as by the laity who were engaged as a productive force in the fields of agriculture, crafts, trade and commerce. Historical sources suggests that Buddhism functioned as driving factor in this commercial ethos. Ancient Buddhist texts, travelogues of Roman traders and the archeological evidences validates this fact.
In this paper my attempt is to throw a light on some questions such as, How the Buddhist ideology and civilization promotes the economic growth in this period? How this trade was decline after the downfall of Buddhism in the cultural conflict with Brahmanical religion which was antagonist to Buddhism?

Franco - Spanish Trade relations late 19th century: exports of Spanish wine during the crisis of phylloxera through the West Pyrénées

Still true that trade relations between the two sides of the Pyrénées has been a constant throughout history, in this work we want to focus on a time when such relationships were intensified as a result of the serious crisis caused vineyard in the French because of phylloxera. This was a factor of demand for wines from other places, as Spain. In fact, the regions of the Ebro experienced an increase in its demand for wine to France to the late 19th century. The existence of infrastructure as were the railway line North in Irún connected with the French MIDI and the port of Pasajes (Guipúzcoa) helped these expeditions of Spanish wine from areas of La Rioja, Navarra and Aragon to France, for that, once mixing, could be sold in the international market wine French. France could maintain its presence in the market and the Spanish regions affected place without their production.

The influence of the Venetian culture in the Lower Danube Area: the role of trade in the Seventeenth Century

This paper is focuses on a topic which is very important for the better knowledge of the social and political evolution of the South-Eastern European area, more specifically of the Balkan Peninsula, component region of the Ottoman Empire, and of the Romanian Principalities, which, in the Early Modern Age, were autonomous states ruled by princes from autochthonous dynasties, confirmed on the throne by the sultan, their suzerain. A very significant aspect which characterizes the economy of this European region, placed by the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein at the semi-periphery and periphery of the World-Economy, is represented by the fact that the foreign trade, both in the case of the Ottoman Empire and in that of the Romanian Principalities (Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania), was monopolised by foreign merchants – Italians (Venetians first of all), occasionally Englishmen, Dutchmen, Frenchmen – or by those coming from the ranks of the ethnic minorities: Greeks, Jews, Armenians, Macedoromanians (also known as Aromanians), numerous of this subject of the Venice Republic. The role of the Venetians, and also of the Greek, Armenian and Macedoromanian merchants, subject of the Venice Republic, was very important in Eastern Europe not only from an economic perspective, but also in what concerns the establishment and financial support given to confessional and secular schools, to publication of books in their national languages and to efforts at manufacturing and preserving their collective identity.

History, identity, and the school curriculum in pluralist societies: Comparative research from the United States, Northern Ireland, and New Zealand

Based on empirical research with students and teachers, this paper examines the relationship between history and identity in three countries in which the school history curriculum differs dramatically. In the United States, school history is used first and foremost to create a shared sense of national identity, and students from a variety of backgrounds see history as a way of establishing who “we” are as a nation; differences among ethnic groups are expressed laregely as varations on the overall theme of national progress and development. In Northern Ireland, on the other hand, history is too controversial to be presented in school as a single master narrative and the curriculum instead relies on a balanced portrayal of Unionist and Nationalistis perspectives and on the use of historical evidence. Students there see the purpose of history as a way of developing an appreciation of multiple perspectives, but without a unifying narrative they are left at the mercy of the sectarian historical narratives they encounter outside school. In New Zealand, meanwhile, national history is almost entirely ignored in schools, and students from divese ethnic backgrounds fail to see themselves represented in a largely Eurocentric curriculum; as a result, history becomes a purely academic exerecise with no direct relationship to students’ identities or to social diversity and cohesion. This paper examines the advanatages and drawbacks of each of these three approaches and suggests how school history in modern pluarlist societies might more effectively incorporate the perspectives of students from diverse social backgrounds.

Curriculum and national identity: exploring the links between religion and nation in Pakistan

This paper investigates the relationship between schooling and conflict in the context of Pakistan using an identity construction lens. Our discussion draws on data from curriculum documents, student responses to specifically designed classroom activities and single sex student focus groups. In the paper we explore how students, in four state primary schools in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Pakistan, use curricular content and school experiences in making sense of themselves as Pakistani. The findings suggest that the complex nexus of education, religion and national identity in Pakistan tends to construct ‘essentialist’ collective identities. To promote national unity across the diverse ethnic groups comprising Pakistan, the national curriculum uses religion (Islam) as the key boundary between the Muslim Pakistani ‘self’ and the antagonist non-Muslim ‘other’. Ironically, this emphasis creates social polarisation and the normalisation of militaristic and violent identities, with serious implications for social cohesion, tolerance for internal and external diversity, and gender relations.

The invention of heritage education: increasing tensions or new opportunities in a heterogeneous historical culture?

This paper focusus on a recent development in contemporary historical culture: the emergence of heritage education. Politicians consider this educational field promising and expect a renewed sense of national connectedness. Cultural minority groups claim their "own" heritage. Their actions are often a local response to the perceived shortcomings of national education policy. At the same time several of these groups articulate a transgression of cultural boundaries and a hybridity of past relationships. In the Netherlands, for instance, the debates about the Dutch involvement in the Atlantic slave trade, initiated by Caribbean Dutch people, show that these ‘contested memories’ are linked to global processes and require an open approach for education.
Next, educational experts indicate that young students are sensitive to heritage and "living history". Visiting a medieval monastery or making a world war battlefield tour appeal to their imagination. The spatial and physical dimensions of historic sites offer youngsters a 'complete' sensory experience, through which they might gain a different kind of knowledge that enlarge their historical understanding. Yet, history teachers and academic historians become uneasy when heritage education seems a government-sponsored state cult on 'national heritage'. Moreover, in their view heritage often involves a staged authenticity that simplifies the past and shortens temporal perspective, hence distracting youngsters from gaining historical literacy.
Although several governments finance heritage education projects, there is hardly any research that might lead to insights to assist the implementation of meaningful heritage education in schools. This paper is related to NWO Research (Grever & Van Boxtel, 2009-2013) and examines the pros and cons of heritage education in the light of the rich diversity of the Dutch student population.

What History for What Future of Québec?

Over the past ten years, the question of restoring the grand narrative of the Québécois has been one of the most discussed issues in Québec. Still today an open conflict persists between the partisans of two major politico-ideological currents, the “conservatists”, on the one hand, and the “reformists”, on the other, for the purpose of establishing the meaning of the story to be told about Quebec’s historical experience and determining the pedagogical-educational approaches specific to the teaching of history and its methodology. This conflict took a particular step when the Quebec Ministry of Education, following the recommendations of an advisory board composed of teachers and didacticians, decided to replace the existing curriculum of National history with a History and Citizenship Education curriculum.
The purpose of this paper is not so much to resurrect the polemics surrounding the implementation of the new history curriculum as to set forth the general context and to raise the fundamental questions surrounding this particular debate: how, in a society challenged by the transformation in its socio-demographics and the flourishing of multiple and limited identities, to tell the story of the Collective? What history to propose of the past to create a common direction in the present and unlock the future? How to regenerate the National reference in a way more inclusive while not instrumentalising the past for the sake of the present? How to write a history that makes it possible for a diversified community to pass into the future while respecting the veto of the facts and incorporating the constraint of the political? In sum, how to build a history of the past that is fair both from the point of view of historical method and social cohesion?

A Surprising Receptivity: Teachers, Politicians and Curriculum Officials Embrace Historical Thinking

There exists a broad consensus among history education researchers and university-based educators (in Canada and internationally) that historical thinking should have a central place in the shaping of history curriculum, pedagogy and assessment. This consensus contrasts quite starkly with the political ends—particularly in the service of national unity and identity—which history education has traditionally served. Yet, at the classroom level, the number of Canadian teachers who have the tools to embed a well-framed conception of historical thinking into their teaching is still very small. Since early 2006, a Canadian initiative, “Benchmarks of Historical Thinking,” has worked to address that weakness.
This paper places the initiative within the context of history education debates in English Canada, examines the development and conceptualization of the project, and then traces its reception and prospects among ministry officials, textbook publishers and teachers. What is perhaps startling and unexpected is the broad acceptance of this reform effort, emerging out of a period when English Canada went through a milder version of what the US and Australia confronted as “history wars,” in a jurisdictional arena where history and social studies—more than any other school subjects—are jealously guarded by the provinces. In the potentially difficult field of history education, what was it that made this reform so acceptable among education stakeholders?

History and memory in France, doubts, contradictions, tensions

The relations between history and memory in French school foster debates and claims that have become more acute during the last decade, with the increasing public and political use of history and memory. The matter is a political issue and a cultural one. The effect on school are undoubted but inconsistent. Commemorations and the “duty of remembrance” are more and more frequently prescribed, which does not mean that every teacher comply to it. The present government emphasizes the aim for national identity – not without contradictions between primary school history curriculum and secondary school one, and not without teachers discussing some issues. But the didactical questions don't focus only on the prescribed and the effective contents ; they address also the teaching practices and the learning results, more often wished than effective. The empirical researches, however scarce on this topic, provide some results that enlighten the complexity of the situation.

Experiencing the past outside school. Towards an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for heritage education

The majority of schools in the Netherlands participate in outside school activities related to heritage, integrated in regular history lessons or in heritage projects. Although the potential of giving students the opportunity to experience the past, through, for example, exploring authentic arte facts or visiting a local historical museum or monument, a theoretical framework with which we can describe this experience and its potential for learning history is lacking. What exactly do we mean by the expression 'experiencing the past' when students encounter heritage relics and arte facts outside school? How is this experience mediated by students’ entrance narratives, the conceptualization of heritage and goals and characteristics of the outside school learning activity? And what is its contribution to historical learning in primary and secondary education?
This paper is related to the NWO Research Program on Heritage Education (Grever & Van Boxtel, 2009-2014). It explores concepts and theories from several disciplines, such as History, Educational sciences, Didactics of history, geography and art, to answer this question. The focus is on how historical thinking and reasoning might contribute to the process of giving meaning to heritage outside school and how experiencing the past outside school in heritage education activities might contribute to history learning. This will be illustrated by some concrete examples from heritage education in the Netherlands.

Introduction

Provocation, criminal liability and diminished responsibility in Scottish cases of assault by a husband on a wife, c1850-1950.

The nineteenth century has been identified as one in which a ‘new softer patriarchy’ emerged along with a more companionate marriage; a wider acceptance of forms of domestic violence and a hardening of attitudes towards men who inflicted violence on their wives. Using criminal statistics, changes in law and practice and the discursive debates which permeated the Scottish media, this paper will highlight how the relationship between provocation, criminal liability and diminished responsibility ensured that attitudes towards men who inflicted violence on their wives reflected greater levels of continuity rather than change in Scotland in the the period 1850-1950.

Legal Attitudes to Sexual Violence in Modern Russia: Cultural Hierarchies in Action

The main idea for this repesentation is to apply different legal approaches to the crime of rape in Europe during the era of codification and emerging regular legal systems and Modern Nation-State. Rape has been one particular crime at the crossroads of forensics, forensic medicine and law that have never been viewed from the humanistic positions. many legal scholars as well as theologians used rape as the most barbarous and obsene example of the criminal behavior and gave a rise to the theories of irrational impulses ot hereditary qualities which formed such type of criminal behavior. None of the theoriest suggested the abolition of death penalty or more humanistic attitude to rapiests. On the otehr hand in practice rapists were not treated as monsters. This condtradition between ideaology and practice needs to be examined as it might give us many ideas for understanding the contemporarty situation around rape and other forms of sexual violence.

Sexual Violence in the 18th Century Portugal: Law vs. Mentalities.

In the 18th century Portugal, criminal law pointed rape as one of the most severely punished crime. But realities show that rape was one of the most frequent publicly denounced crime, contrary to countries like france, England or the Low Countries. For this statistics we can count not with judical process, but with pardon letters that reveals a public sphere, but not always within the formal justice system.
In this paper we pretend to explain this contradiction behaviors, analysing the factors that contributed to this reality, such as age, social status, spacial and social geographies and proximity relations of victims and acused. Otherwise, we aim to provide data about the interesting mechanisms of compensations, showing the value of female chastity in the portuguese urban and rural communities, understanding mental and moral dynamics of this population, concerning sexual aressment.

Trauma and the body-mind dichotomy in 19th-century Dutch rape cases

Recently, several historians of rape stated that before the 19th century, a discourse on psychological trauma was not available for rape victims. Using court records and medical textbooks of forensic medicine, I will show that trauma was expressed through an emotional discourse, in which body and mind were intertwined. The paper will also suggest scientific discourse on sexual identities might differ from popular discourses on body and mind.

Sexual violence in early medieval Western Europe

The phenomenon of sexual violence in the period between c. 500 and c. 900 AD has not been so far subject of the separate and extensive studies of medievalists. This study is based on two main types of written testimonies: the law-codes of several Germanic people (so called leges barbarorum) written down between fifth and ninth century and historiographical narratives (History of the Franks by Gregory from Tours, from the end of sixth century and History of Longobards by Paul the Deacon, from the end of eight century). Germanic leges contain the regulations concerning different kinds of crimes of sexual and violent nature. They focus on their legal aspect. The narrative works present acts of this kind in the context of moral reflection of the Christian historians concerning proper and improper sexual behaviors. In my paper I examine two main problems: (1) how sexual violent acts were placed in legal and social system of early medieval barbarian societies, and (2) how the historians of that time perceived the acts of sexual violence what meaning gave to them in stories they tell.

Tourism’s Role in the Struggle for the Possession of ‘The Centre’ of Australia, 1927-1958

Historians have speculated about the process through which a monumental red rock beyond the colonial frontier in an Aboriginal Reserve became the focal attraction in Australia’s first Outback national park in 1958 and later a major international pilgrimage centre. All mistakenly identify an influential individual as the catalyst: be he transport entrepreneur, journalist or scientist; the date sometime during the 1940/50s and the outcome as serendipitous. This paper reveals that the transformation of the Uluru/Ayers Rock environs into a tourist playground – rather than sovereign Aboriginal State as was contemporaneously debated in parliament – was far from a single event of chance. Rather it argues that from its inception during the late 1920s, the Australian National Travel Association (ANTA) set its sights on Ayers Rock – in the understanding that reserves were a temporary favour conferred rather than right acknowledged to a moribund black ‘race’ – and drew the region into its grasp during the following three decades through the production of a net of meaning and ceremony to commemorate the colonising heritage of a new white nation.

This paper focuses on ANTA’s cultural brokerage and production of a set of tourist gazes and economic patronage of as many architectures of place to launch the Outback as a new tourist destination. It uses visual images to demonstrate how ANTA filled ‘empty’ spaces with historic associations and ceremonial complexes to market five archetypal modes of imperial/colonial travel and set tourists in motion to honour their forefathers: the explorer, boundary rider, prospector, sportsman naturalist and anthropologist.

I seek to show that the individuals who different historians credit as being the catalyst of change all operated within a hitherto overlooked and underestimated ANTA-centric web of power. This comprised many other enfranchised imagemakers and budding entrepreneurs who collectively helped an emergent NTO mobilise a critical mass of touristic interest and build a multi-pronged case for the touristic significance of Ayers Rock, which in 1958 necessarily worked to dispossess Anangu of a sacred site within their traditional lands.

The excision of Uluru/Ayers Rock from the Great Central Aboriginal Reserve in 1958 however, only marked the end of the first chapter in an ongoing struggle over the possession of what is now widely recognised as the ‘red heartland’ of Australia. The second chapter revolved around Anangu’s successful battle during the following three decades to have their traditional rights to land acknowledged and legally restored. And the third chapter continues with Anangu and various government agencies including Parks Australia seeking to strike a balance between providing tourist access and reviving a self-determining Aboriginal homeland. Having established that tourism was in the first instance an undoubtedly powerful force of historical change, this paper poses the question: can it also be a genuine rather than tokenistic force of reconciliation between colonising and colonised peoples? One possible point of entry into answering this question revolves around whether tourism and governments will take unpopular steps to deliver what they promised in 1985 when restoring traditional rights to land. They then agreed to build respect for Anangu wishes through a program of cross-cultural education to stop tourists from climbing what continues to be a sacred mountain despite decades of exogenous driven change.

Changing Battle Lines in the Hot Lakes District c.1900: Tourism Development and the Contested Nature of Place.

That European colonisation of New Zealand acted as an agent for dramatic change in indigenous society is taken as a given. What is less acknowledged is the role that tourism in the country played in societal change within Māori communities. This paper examines specific disputes between Māori tribes regarding control of tourism development at Lake Rotomahana in the central North Island of New Zealand and the resulting change with which they settled differences.

In 1853 members of the Māori tribe Tuhourangi objected to the construction of a house by members of another tribe, Ngati Rangitihi, on the shores of Lake Rotomahana. The builder of the house was thrown into the lake and the house destroyed. The resulting confrontation that immediately followed this incident paled in comparison with the next seven years of military conflict between the two tribes whereby ‘no-one lived outside of their fighting pas’. That these two tribes were willing to engage in warfare is not unusual as they had a history of tribal dispute and conflict dating back some three hundred years. What was novel in 1853 was the introduction of European interests in the region as the building of the house was initiated by an Englishman who had married into Ngati Rangitihi. Abraham Warbrick had realised the importance of a rudimentary tourist trade to the Pink and White Terraces which were situated on the shores of Lake Rotomahana and the house was constructed as a deliberate claim to this particular place.

After the seven years of warfare Tuhourangi emerged as the victor and laid claim to the area through military conquest. The natural resources of the region proved to be a popular visitor attraction and soon became a ‘must-see’ destination for Victorian visitors to New Zealand. The increase in tourist numbers and subsequent economic activity attracted the attention of European investors as well as government agencies and all involved applied pressure on Tuhourangi to sell ‘their’ land.

However, ownership of the region, from a governmental perspective, did not have a confirmed legal status as the land was yet to pass through the Native Land Court. In the 1880s, this process was undertaken to determine ownership and Ngati Rangitihi used this opportunity to petition the European government and actively took part in arguing their case to the courts. This paper traces aspects of the history of this dispute between the two tribes, examining the reasons for it and noting the changing manner in which conflict was settled.

Tourism as a force in anachronistic change: the Portuguese case during the 1st period of the New State (1933-1948)

The downfall of the Republic and rise to power of Salazar(1889-1970), led to the creation of the New State, a fascism type regime. Initially, it developed the infrastructure the country was so lacking, as well as enforced its own political agenda, instead of trying to develop tourism which was considered a frivolous activity. But then came along António Ferro (1895-1956), key propaganda figure of the regime: initially devoid of any tourism responsibilities, he recreates within his competences an image of Portugal on various international venues in Europe and USA (world fairs of 1937 and 1939), until finally gaining the tourism office in 1940. This gives him the opportunity to try to enforce a rural, joyous and especially artistic vision born to a category of «Good taste» that is progressively defined throughout the 1940’s, and that is freely applied to lodging, reception, artistic production and even to the people itself. Marred within the walls of this vision, which was representative of the ideology of the New State, Portugal becomes the country where Tradition (albeit a reinvented one) renders itself official, and where tourism mirrors that, bearing within itself the signs of a country that does not come forward but instead kept going back. Tourism was the tool that ultimately enforced a vision of Portugal that almost rendered it unable to come to terms with progress, by creating a vision that refused modernity and valued popular tradition at all times, and where art reflected exactly that.

Le voyage mis en question : la loi de 1912 sur la circulation des " nomades " (Tsiganes) en France

Après le recensement général de 1895 de tous les " nomades, bohémiens et vagabonds ", suivi du fichage des " nomades " par les Brigades mobiles de police mobile créées en 1907 à l'initiative de Clemenceau, un projet de loi du gouvernement daté du 25 novembre 1908 voit le jour, " relatif à la réglementation de la circulation des nomades " en France. Le projet, conjugué avec les mesures émises plus tard à la Chambre et au Sénat, donnera lieu à la loi du 16 juillet 1912 sur le port du carnet anthropométrique. Cette loi discriminatoire et disciplinaire, qui allait durer près de soixante ans, sans susciter aucune critique au sein du discours juridique dominant,constitue l'étape majeure dans le processus de contrôle et d'identification utilisé par la République envers la mobilité des Tsiganes.

From Traditional Carving to the Plastic Tiki: Tourism in Aotearoa

If travel is the force of historical change then the exotic subject that is the native would be relegated to the sideshow, the guide and they would in time deteriorate into the add on trinket maker and curio savage. In some areas it seems this is their destiny, in others self-determination ensures they are not. We can all vision the tourism stereotype of the exotic grass skirted Hawaiian dancer with the flower behind her hair, or the spear carrying Aboriginal standing on one leg with a red sunset framing his black skinned figure. Tourism successfully creates an image and freezing history to ensure the travelers native ‘experience’ is in line with a frozen concept of how the native should look like. Reality has no place for the popularist tourist interpretation.
Māori predate the modern stereotype as they became active within the tourism industry from as early as the 1870’s in remote Lake Rotomahana. This early exposure became the foundation of what is now a cultural Disneyland that is modern Rotorua with its ‘authentic’ native feasts and dancers spinning and twirling in chorographic unison set to the timing of the tourist bus schedule, even the geysers seem to respond to attendances and the click of a camera shutter. Yet this is not authentic Māori.
Have Māori survived outside of the tourist bubble, maintaining their cultural integrity within a modern age? Has Tikanga; the Māori value system survived or has it evolved, changing with society? Has the journey of history left them behind, or is their culture moving forward? The development and transition of carving styles will be used as the principle medium to discuss change or cultural maintenance. Adopting a grounded theory approach and Kaupapa Māori research methodology a study across a select number of iwis and public buildings including interviews with master carvers will investigate if the impact of tourism, of the traveller has forced historical change.

The Evolving Popularity of Tourist Sites in France: What Can Be Learned from French Statistical Publications

France attracts more tourists than any other country in the world, according to statistics compiled by the World Tourism Organization. These figures are incomplete in that the WTO includes as tourists only those visitors crossing international borders, omitting those who tour within their own countries. The WTO figures, however, are the only statistics currently available for tourism on a worldwide basis. In France, the popularity, or annual numbers of visitors to tourist sites has been tabulated by different government agencies over the years. For example, the Observatoire national du tourisme [ONT] published a list of the 44 most popular tourist sites in France in 2006, with the Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris in first place with some 13,500,000 visitors, followed by Disneyland Paris, with 14,700,000. Breaking the ONT’s figures down into categories, sixteen of the sites could be described as of general interest, eight as places of religious pilgrimage, six (including Disneyland) as spectacles, four each relating to nature and science, respectively, and three each for battlefield or war tourism and the fine arts.

A sample from a list compiled by the Economics and Finance Ministry in 1962 shows an apparent consistency over a forty-five year period. The government figures for 1960 and 1961 showed the Eiffel Tower attracting the most paying visitors. Fifty French sites of “cultural” interest were listed. Of these, twenty-seven could be described as of general interest, including thirteen châteaux. Nine sites were of religious or pilgrimage interest, seven of scientific, five spectacles, three fine arts, and two each for war tourism and nature.

This paper will examine the consistency of the tourism patterns by following the relevant figures for the years between the early 1960s and the present, and by searching for any earlier statistics available. The evidence produced will facilitate the construction of a model of the evolving popularity of tourist sites during the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first centuries in France.

Le Tourisme en Laponie: Naissance d’une Typologie de Voyage à la Fin de XIXe Siècle

La communication se propose de travailler sur le voyage en Laponie et vers le cap Nord et d’analyser le passage de la figure du Voyageur à celle du Touriste, à partir des années 1870 jusqu’à la fin du siècle.
Le tourisme est un nouveau phénomène dans ces régions, normalement visitées, dans les siècles précédents, par des hommes de lettres et de sciences et par plusieurs anthropologues au cours du XIXe siècle. À partir des années 1870, plusieurs agences de voyage (surtout parisiennes) commencent à organiser des tours et des croisières en bateau à vapeur le long de fiords norvégiens, vers le cap Nord, pour montrer les lieux et les aspects « typiques » du pays lapons : les mêmes Lapons s’organisent, pour des petites visites de leurs campements « typiques », tout en sachant profiter du marché touristique (souvenirs etc.).
La communication sera l’occasion pour analyser l’organisation pratique d’un voyage en Laponie à l’époque du tourisme (compagnons de voyage, guides, périodes de l’année, itinéraires, moyens de transport, hébergements etc.) et pour souligner certains aspects intéressants et innovateurs dans l’écriture des récits de ces voyages (langage emphatique, impressions collectives d’un groupe en voyage).

Tourism and regional identity in the south of Norway

Coastal regions are always situated in the exciting field between regional traditions on one hand and cultural border-crossing spaces on the other hand, The new recreational coastal tourism and culture that developed in the South of Norway in the interwar period is an example of this, as it involved an interesting mix between endogenous and exogenous elements. In the paper, the different practices connected to coastal tourism and thei roots are discussed; such as cottages, boat life and the new “beach culture”. The latter was seen as particular controversial, as it involved “free bathing”, daring fashions and sunbathing.
In the 1930s, the southern coastal landscape was no longer seen as “melancholic”, “sad”, “empty” and “romantic”, but as a joyous and boisterous place. This was a result of the dominant zeitgeist and deeper currents in the arts and fashion. It affected both tourists and the local population, with younger people being particularly keen to embrace the new outlook. In the case of the South of Norway, it was also connected to a general opening of the maritime landscape – both to tourists and to leisure activities for locals. The result was that the image of the region changed, and became associated with the sun, sea and summer.

How aviation changed the Holiday – The Norwegian dream of the South

The Mediterranean has since the late 18th century been a favourite destination of the privileged classes. Like the Grand Tour of the European elites, or the rich and the famous going to the Riviera in the 1920s.
The late 19th century saw the introduction of regulated holiday for the working classes. Holiday centres was, for example established on the south coast of Britain, as a kind of local Mediterranean. The real South being out of bounds due to the lack of transportation. Temperance preacher Thomas Cook also introduced packaged tours by train and ship, at this time.
With the introduction of mass transportation by air after World War II, the phenomenon of Holiday changed fundamentally. The end of the Berlin Blockade made available a huge amount of aircrafts for new uses. In 1949 the British journalist Vladimir Raitz organized the first charter tour with airplane to the South. The modern charter tour was born, and a new holiday trend started.
Since then, the yearly holiday migration from North Western Europe to the South, mainly Spain, has been the world largest movement of people. The movement goes by airplane, organised in charter tours. 1 million Norwegians go to the South by package air tour every year. The charter tour has become the incarnation of the Holiday. The air plane takes you to the warm, sunny, carefree dream destination in the South.
The dream destination is abroad. But we don’t want to experience too much foreignness. It is after all a holiday. So the history of the Southern holiday is also a national history. A dream is fulfilled which does not really exist in the real world. And the airplane takes us there.
This presentation will focus on how the airplane changed the holiday of the masses. How the holiday and the airplane grew to become one and the same. How the airplane fullfills the philosophy of the holiday. I will describe the development of air charter travel to the South. The focus will mainly be on the history of the Norwegian Southern tour, but this will serve as an example of the Southern holiday in general. I will also try to offer some thoughts on how the airplane has changed our view of the holiday and how it has affected both us who travel, and the destinations we travel to.

“Change of Tourism in the Northern Borderlands: Karelian Isthmus and Tourism Development (c. 1870-1940)”

The paper discusses the development trends of tourism in the Karelian isthmus, which has for centuries been a historical border region between Finland and Russia/Soviet Union. Known for its natural beauty it drew individual travelers even in the eighteenth century from St. Petersburg and Central Europe. The main attractions were the famous Imatra rapids, the sunny beaches of Terijoki and the medieval historical center the city of Viipuri.
The paper analyzes the role political change in tourism development. Tourism actually began after the railway was constructed from Helsinki to St.Petersburg in the 1870’s. Helsinki was the capitol of autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland, a part of the Russian Empire from 1809. A major change occurred in 1917, the Russian empire collapsed, and Finland became independent. Borders were tightly closed and tension continued between Finland and the expanding great power Soviet Union until the break of the Second World War in 1939. Before 1917 tens of thousands of tourists had yearly arrived from St.Petersburg to the isthmus for vacationing, but from 1917 to 1940 most tourists were Finns in their own country, plus a small number of Western tourists. After the Soviets attached the Isthmus to their areas in the Second World War, the clientele and tourism structures again were reformulated: the Isthmus became a minor section of the Soviet tourism organization, the Imatra falls remained however a part of Finland.
There was interaction between tourism development and political decisions. However, it seems that in our case politics was the prime mover, and the role of tourism was to adapt to the changing circumstances.

U.S Tourism and Empire in Post-revolutionary Mexico and Pre-revolutionary Cuba: A Comparative Study

According to traditional historiography, a small group of policymakers in Washington, assisted by U.S. corporations and Latin American elites, determine Inter-American affairs. I argue that the U.S. hemispheric empire has endured partly because the hard power brandished by marine brigades, financiers, and treaty makers has been accompanied by softer powers. Tourists and the international travel industry constituted one form of soft power which facilitated the expansion of the U.S. consumer and cultural presence in Latin America. Hosts too possessed soft power and often wrung benefits from the tourism relationship – but they do not always possess the political freedom or political will to do so. An examination of tourism, thus, demonstrates that empire is a more textured and interactive system of inequality than commonly assumed and that tourism is an active force for historical change
The history of mass tourism in post-revolutionary Mexico and pre-revolutionary Cuba demonstrates the varied and unpredictable impact of visitor-host arrangements on Inter-American relations. Large scale commercial tourism in both countries coincided with the advent of prohibition in the United States immediately following World War I. Mexican border towns such as Tijuana, Mexicali, and Ciudad Juarez served as magnets for thirsty U.S. consumers. Legal gambling and widespread prostitution added to the allure, especially for male Yankees who imagined Mexico to be a remnant of the old U.S. West. Havana essentially followed the border town model, although Old Habana’s colonial ambience and the development of seaside attractions in suburban Mariano lent Cuba a more cosmopolitan ambience.
The parallels between the two, however, soon diminished. Scholars of the Mexican revolution (1910-1920) concur that the post-revolutionary state moderated popular demands for social and economic reform. U.S. visitors to Mexico during the 1920s and 1930s nonetheless encountered a vibrant cultural nationalism that disdained the nation’s dependence on foreign, mainly U.S. capital, celebrated the dignity of campesinos and workers, and realigned Mexico’s identity with its pre-colonial, indigenous past. In this context, local service workers, unions, artists, and businesses often challenged the tourist presence – via organized strikes and less overt forms of resistance to visitor demands. The central government in Mexico City evolved policies to subsidize hotels and restaurants owned by Mexican nationals, ban casino gambling, and promote archeological projects, art, and historic preservation that simultaneously attracted tourists and advanced domestic identity formation and state-building. From the U.S. side of the border, rail road companies, travel writers and agents, educators an artists, and other interest groups bolstered the Mexican travel industry.
Cuba on the other hand continued to pursue policies that catered to local elites and U.S. private interests. By the 1950s more than 200,000 mostly U.S. visitors invaded Cuba annually relishing Havana’s mob-run casinos, its all-night bars and clubs, and its modern, high-rise hotels. The capital city in particular, with its large commercial sex industry, registered in the North American imagination as a place where pleasures forbidden at home might be indulged – a tropical oasis from Cold War ideals that associated the nuclear family with national security in the nuclear age. The realignment of Havana’s built environment, along with the imposed identity as a North American playground, proceeded under the aegis of the island’s stalwart pro-U.S. dictator Fulgencio Batista.
In both cases, visitor-host arrangements represented far more than a sideshow in the history of the U.S. hemispheric empire. As Mexico’s hosts vied to contain the tourist presence, U.S.-Mexican diplomatic relations – strained by revolutionary era land confiscations and oil nationalization – gradually improved. Most diplomatic historians view the rapprochement as a consequence of geopolitical the coming of global war in the 1930s, and Washington’s desire to secure access to Mexico’s natural resources and political support. But I argue that the warming trend began during the previous decade, and grew from visitor-host negotiations as well as diplomatic parlays. While tourism and the multi-stranded contacts it nourished did not cause political accommodation, it blurred territorial borders, accelerated cultural interaction, and provided an essential context for political dialogue.
Whereas Mexico sought to contain U.S. tourism and leveraged a modicum of negotiating space from Washington, Fulgencio Batista curried Washington’s favor by pledging to contain communism. In the end, the unchecked soft power of U.S. tourism generated resentments in Cuba that undermined state structures as well as national identity. Fidel Castro’s rise to power did not abruptly end the tourist-host relationship. Like Mexico’s post-revolutionary government, the new regime worked to revive but also regulate Cuba’s tourism sector – even providing cash loans to the Habana Hilton to extend operations. Washington’s refusal to bow to Cuba’s nationalism and Castro’s fervent anti-Americanism ultimately derailed negotiations, but the soft power inherent to tourism ranked among the last vestiges of U.S. hegemony to survive the revolution.

How Puerto Rican Nationalism thwarted the civilizing tourism project of Governor Blanton Winship

Tourism was a project to be developed in Puerto Rico by American entrepreneurs since the 1898 invasion of the Island. This idea was clearly stated in books like Our Islands and Their People of 1899 and in other scouting accounts or travel guides. Tourism was not unknown to Puerto Ricans during the XIXth century. Puerto Rican proud elite traveled extensively through Europe and the Americas, studied in Madrid, Paris, Caracas Havana or New York. Health tourism had been developed since 1848 in places like the Baños de Coamo. But U.S.A.’s metaphors to justify imperialism pictured Puerto Rico and other of its newly acquired territories as orphaned infants to be civilized. Although not part of this paper, I must make clear that different efforts were made during the first three decades of the XXth century to develop this industry in the Island by U.S. interests in conjunction always with pro-American Puerto Rican elites. The opening of the Vandervilt Hotel in the Condado area land strip in 1919, an area that would eventually develop into the most important area in the Island of the Grand Holtels and the American way of life, was one of them.