Progressive Catholicism, Power, and Local Religion in Twentieth-Century Mexico and Nicaragua

Progressive Catholicism, Power, and Local Religion in Twentieth-Century Mexico and Nicaragua

Description:

From a longue durée perspective, this paper examines the assault that sectors of the Roman Catholic Church launched on Mexican and Nicaraguan local religiosity during the era of Vatican II. During the 1960s and 1970s, Mexico’s “progressive” Catholic clergy, notably Sergio Méndez Arceo, the “red Bishop of Cuernavaca,” sought to eradicate popular religious beliefs and practices (the cult of the saints, mayordomías, devotion to images) and replace these with a purified, true religion based on contemplation, the liturgy, and the Bible. These reforms went well beyond the spiritual realm, and sparked struggles related to power relations (clerical caciquismo, barrio factionalism, education, state and federal politics), economics and development (local land and water resources, community development, employment, tourism), as well as local concepts of identity, indigeneity and gender. Similar incidents have been reported from Nicaragua, notably from the ecclesiastical base community established by Padre Ernesto Cardenal on the island of Solentiname. In both cases, local religion, notably the religious icon and the cult of the saints, became the focal point of iconoclastic incidents and intense rivalries that demonstrated its crucial role in the preservation of local cultural, political, and “ecological” autonomy, while at the same time exposing how widely clerical, state and local interpretations of modernity diverged. This case study is placed within the wider context of both church and state reforms –Erasmian, Jansenist, Enlighted Catholic, Bourbon, Liberal, revolutionary and otherwise- aimed at establishing modernity among Latin America’s popular sectors. Thus, this project seeks to elucidate the process by which both Catholic and secular discourses and semiotic practices related to modernity, Catholic reform, and local religiosity become “sutured,” generating local conflict and change.

Academic Qualifications:

As associate professor of Latin American History with a research focus on twentieth-century Mexico, I have centered recent research on the linkages between religion, state formation, and local cultures during the Mexican Revolution. Recent publications on this topic include: “Culture and Context: The Regional Dynamics of Revolutionary Defanaticization in Mexico,” in Matthew Butler, ed., God’s Revolution: Faith and Impiety in Revolutionary Mexico (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007); “Making Sense of Iconoclasm: Popular responses to the destruction of religious images in revolutionary Mexico,” in Stacy Boldrick & Richard Clay, eds., Iconoclasm: contested objects, contested terms (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006); “Popular Religion and the Mexican Revolution: Towards a New Historiography,” in Martin Austin Nesvig, ed., Religious Culture in Modern Mexico (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006); “Saints, Sinners and State Formation: Local Religion and Cultural Revolution in Mexico,” in Stephen Lewis and Mary Kay Vaughan, eds., The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in Mexico, 1920-1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); and “The war against the idols: the meanings of iconoclasm in post-revolutionary Mexico, 1910-40,” in Anne McClennan and Jeffrey Johnson, eds., Negating the Image: Case Studies in Iconoclasm (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005). I am currently completing a book manuscript entitled Idolatry and Iconoclasm in Revolutionary Mexico. Popular Religion and Cultural Revolution, 1910-1940 and previously published As If Jesus Walked on Earth: Sonora, Cardenismo, and the Mexican Revolution (1998).

‘Old dogs and new tricks: Pius II and the crusade’

This communication will assess Pius II’s approach towards Crusading as a means of dealing with the Ottoman threat. Was there anything new about the substance of the pope’s crusading policy, or was the rhetoric of humanism brought into play in an attempt to disguise a vacuum of ideas and an approach that in both religious and military terms – as the pope knew better than anybody else – was bound to fail?

The powers of weakness: Machiavelli revisited

Paper: The powers of weakness: Macchiavelli revisited
There seems to be a paradox alliance between power and weakness. The collective making of a future leader and ‘victor’ requires an individual ritually prescribed recapitulation of the subject’s position. This observation applies to the making of ‘rulers’ in a general sense, be it dukes and kings, saints and heroes, popes, martyrs, chiefs, stars, Chief Executive Officers or Presidents of the United States. The paper suggests revisiting a number of rituals of status elevation mainly from the medieval period. The functional necessity of ‘weakness’, as embedded almost universally at the very centre of the rituals of empowerment, will be reconsidered: It is suggested here to view weakness, suffering, and humiliation as indispensable and universal elements in the social fabrication of power from the earliest times down to the 21st century.

Keywords: European inauguration rituals, rituals of status elevation, liminality, Victor Turner, Arnold van Gennep, Elizabeth FitzPatrick, Katharine Simms, Peter Štih, Mirjam Mencej, kings of Tara, kings of Connacht, kings of Donegal, dukes of Carinthia, kings of the German realm, Carnfree, Tara, Carinthia, Aachen, ducal stone, Fürstenstein, crown of the German realm, Reichskrone, Isaiah-Hezekiah-Plate.

Do History Textbooks Fight Religious Fundamentalism?

It is widely recognised that religious fundamentalism as an ideology needs to be refuted on intellectual level. Religious fundamentalists create Pseudo-memories for consumption of susceptible sections of population, such as teenagers who are at formative stages of their identity. In case of India, an official way of refuting the fundamentalist propaganda among the teenagers is the dissemination of secular values through the school textbooks. Indian National System of Education is based on a national curricular framework, which promotes values such as India’s common cultural heritage, egalitarianism, democracy and secularism, equality of sexes, protection of environment, removal of social barriers, observance of small family norm and inculcation of scientific temper.

The present paper is based on the findings of a three-year research project to understand if textbooks of History and Fundamentalism among the teenage students have any correlation. Based on quantitative methodology and analysis of over 2000 questionnaires and several interviews of textbook writers, teachers, parents, students and other stakeholders, the paper attempts to identify the linkages between the construction of Fundamentalist identity and the Pseudo-memories of incompatibility of various cultural groups. It hopes to add to our understanding of the effectiveness of communal propaganda. It should be able to give us insights as to how to deconstruct the process of communalisation of identity and overcome the challenge of religious fundamentalism. This would help suggest some policy measures as regards the effective communication of history that helps in constructing a secular identity.

From the Margins to the Center: Religious Women, the Cistercian Order, and the Power of Reform in Thirteenth-Century Northern France

The first four decades of the thirteenth century were a pivotal time for religious women. Informal groups of women devoted to the ideals of the vita apostolica took root throughout Europe living as beguines, penitents, and Humiliati, laboring and praying communally and eventually finding sanction under the papacy and the institutional church. Although the church recognized many semi-religious women, thirteenth-century popes like Innocent III and Gregory IX pursued a reform agenda that sought to regulate women within cloisters and under approved monastic rules. Doing so functioned as a profound display of papal authority expressed through the power to reform and regulate behavior. This paper examines how and why the papacy and local French bishops sought to reform independent groups of religious women in northern France and incorporate them into the Cistercian order. While many of these groups of women became part of the Cistercian order, appearing as new nunneries in the great filiation lists and tax records, in many cases they continued to pursue the original ideals of poverty, charity and penitential spirituality at the margins of towns and cities and at the edge of approved religious oversight. From the margins, however, the examples and ideals of religious women changed the Cistercian order in meaningful ways, allowing it to participate in the new currents of spirituality even if such participation was manifest through critique and debate. This paper thus investigates the power of those on the margins to become part of the center, while in turn changing the center itself. In this sense this paper is concerned with the power to define the margins of religious life, a power adopted by certain women and employed to significant effect. The negotiations between the papacy, female religious groups and the Cistercian order are important to understand, both because they demonstrate the practical application of the papacy’s reform agenda for women in a locale that has been overlooked by historians and because they inform how subsequent popes dealt with female religious for the rest of the Middle Ages. This topic is significant because it deals with the redefinition of religious power in a thirteenth-century context that valued the powerless and the ideals of immiseration and humility as fundamental to the Christian ascetic experience of the holy.

South Africa: The Arduous Task of Facing our Religious Past

The media-preferred reference to ‘the rainbow nation’ tends to soften both the intensity and divergence of the complex mixture of origens, languages, ideologies, customs, cultures, life styles, worldviews, and skills of the South African society. With Christians totalling more than 80% of the population and the Church recognised as the strongest Non-Government-Organization in the country, one apparent exception to these differences is religion. However, active Christian involvement on both sides of pre-1994 politics resulted in ‘winning’ and ‘losing’ sides. The historic inability of both sides to respond to challenges in a theologically accountable way, left the Church mute and incapacitated during the most critical stages of transformation. Continuous and extreme levels of anxiety which became part of life for the ‘losing’ side resulted in a shrinking perspective, a tightening of the circle and shifting of the burden. This reaction provides no positive contributions to change the current crises of life-threatening and demoralising experiences that turned the New-South-Africa-dream into a nightmare within a decade.

Evading confrontation with the past or constantly postponing it while waiting for the current crises to subside, is not an option any more. This article attempts to identify unresolved issues from the history, culture, theology and major life experiences of Christians who did not oppose ‘apartheid’. By examining the neglected scars and unhealed wounds of the past, alarming attitudes and patterns contributing to the current crises are identified. By clarifying the foundations of the contemporary society, the Church could identify remedial actions to find new direction and life.

The Meaning of Religion: Holiness and Heresy in Christianity, Islam, and Judaism

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Power and Religion in a Modern State: Desecularisation in Australian Politics

A recent study of the relationship between church and state in 152 states claims that in all of them, without exception, there is an increasing engagement of politics with religion (Jonathan Fox, ‘World Separation of Religion and State into the 21st Century’, Comparative Political Studies, 39.5, June 2006, 537-569). One of the 152 states is Australia. The first decade of the twenty-first century has witnessed so much debate in Australia on the relationship between religion and politics as to bewilder the Fourth Estate, whose members have been well versed in the dogma of irreversible secularization. It is a development which has had little enough to do with the mainstream churches which have long been happy with the proposition that the separation of Church and State was enshrined in the federal constitution. It came, most conspicuously, from the political leaders themselves. John Howard, Prime Minister, from 1996 to 2006, and Kevin Rudd, leader of the Australian Labor Party from 2006 and Prime Minister from 2007, are both churchgoers, and overt in their Christianity and its relevance to the public square. Both courted the Christian vote, which may have been critical first to Howard’s electoral success, and then, when social justice issues became important to sufficient voters, to Rudd’s. Their respective cabinet ministers learned to refrain from stereotypically Australian cynical remarks about believers and sought to foster the co-operation between the (predominantly Christian) faith-based and government agencies especially in the delivery of health, education, aged care, and welfare programmes. Desecularisation has brought division, too, into the public discourse over moral and cultural values. This paper seeks to account for dramatic desecularisation in a political system traditionally unconcerned with religious issues. It is a tree, the roots of which lie deep in European history.

Liturgy, Law and Self-representation: Christian kingship in England and Armenia from the late-ninth to the mid-eleventh century

Armenia c. 400-c.1000 and Anglo-Saxon England c.700-c.1000 offer the earliest examples of the power of CHristianity to encourage the development of national identity, including a vernacular literature. In Armenia the liturgy was translated into the vernacular. In England it was not, although in several respects this is surprising. A second contrast is that, in the view of some specialists, by the mid-eleventh century and as a result of deliberate policy of the kings of Wessex, beginning with Alfred, England was a nation-state. In Armenia, kingdoms had proliferated to number five by 1000 AD, following the re-establishment in 884-5 of the Armenian kingship that had been in abeyance since 428 AD. It seems likely that it was concern about authority that prevented the English, whose late-ninth- and tenth-century government is notable for its intrusiveness, from enjoying a vernacular liturgy. Control of thought and behaviour was one of the hallmarks and methods of royal policy with regard to forging an English people who would merit God's favour. The heretical views complained about in tenth-century England were trivial in comparison to the heresy that troubled the contemporary Armenian Church. Using a comparative perspective, this paper will explore the issue of royal and ecclesiastical power over Christian practice and ideas in England and Armenia from the late-ninth to the mid-eleventh century. It will consider the contrast between England's legal tradition, in which the Church contributed to royal written law, itself stimulated by the role model of kingship offered in the OLd Testament, and that of Armenia whose society likewise had a strong OLd TEstament self-image but failed to generate written royal law. It will attempt some comparison of the self-representation of the two kings about whom we can derive a personal impression from the surviving evidence, Alfred of WEssex and his near-contemporary Gagik of Vaspurakan, particularly their exploitation of Christianity and Christian imagery to justify their secular power and claims.

Catholic political mobilization in Buenos Aires, 1918-1946

Between World Wars I and II, the Argentine Catholic Church attained a great political power, enough to determine some state policies and to exert a big influence over national culture and ideology. Its well known alliance with the Army was essential. But to a large extent, its power came from a vigorous and enthusiastic catholic movement, which held an active presence in public debates and in street demonstrations in particular.
This movement was directed and oriented by Acción Católica, founded by the Bishops in 1931. Acción Católica militants and leaders were formed at catholic schools but largely at the parishes. In those years, in Buenos Aires the number of parishes was increasing, accompanying urban growth and new neighborhoods emergence. In each neighborhood, the parish performed an important role either in religious matters or in social activities, including the leisure ones. The parish diffused basic religious practices among a popular society with a strong laic tradition. From its parishioners emerged the militants, especially the young, who set AC up and conducted forcefully the catholic mobilization. In this paper we examine the characteristics of this catholic political mobilization, its remarkable success and its limits, as it was evidenced by the rise of peronism. Particularly, we analyze the connections between parochial life and the integral catholic discourse diffused by Acción Católica.

Hope and Fear in Seventeenth-century England: Richard Saunders' Chiromantic Textbook

The seventeenth-century was once depicted by historians as a 'century of general crisis.’ Also, the 17th century is called 'the golden age of pseudo science.' In this period the so called ‘scientific revolution’ that overturned the universal view began, and all the logic and application of the existing ‘science’ was brought together in hopes of maintaining its existence. The ‘magic’ that was part of the science at the time also experienced a last struggle of survival. The spread of printing allowed to diffuse the knowledge that was previously limited to the intellectuals to the larger public, and this process might have been recognized as the height of pseudo science.
How much indeed were the daily lives of ordinary people influenced by the crisis, however? To approach this question, this paper examines Richard Saunders' chiromantic textbook, Physiognomie, and Chiromancie, Metoposcopie(1653). The chiromancy book Saunders summed is a sort of chiromancy textbook that provides a guide to interpret palm lines to both intellectuals and palm readers. Each page contains different palm lines drawn on the hand models and corresponding explanations to each palm line. The subsequent explanations following around 920 lines and shapes portray both physiognomic character analysis and prophecy.
The narratives of prognostication through chiromancy tell us not only what was told to the people but also what was worth to be told to the people of that period. . In other words, what the people wanted to know in 17th century England. These 920 predictions include a much more varied assortment of human problems and can be largely classified as death, injury, wealth and fame, sex and marriage, health condition and diseases, disposition and character.
Saunders' chiromantic text reveals that the narrative of prognostications proved adaptable to the needs of the social environment. While the text maintains the central features of traditional human misfortune such as death, disease, and sudden disasters in life, it denotes the growing awareness of a new type of insecurity: the crisis of social relations. Alienation and distrust of one's fellow man were the predominant features of this period and chiromancy was utilized to teach a man to choose his friends and to recognize his enemies. The text also demonstrates that people tended to blame other people for their misfortune rather than blaming themselves.

Elections and democracy in XIXth century Mexico

This paper will discuss the development of elections and electoral institutions in early republican Mexico from the time of independence until the last quarter of the century. It accounts for the development of the right to vote and of different electoral institutions.

Construir la república: semántica y dilemas de la soberanía popular en Argentina del siglo XIX

El propósito de esta ponencia es reflexionar sobre el proceso de construcción de la república argentina en el siglo XIX desde una doble perspectiva que anude los modos de conceptualizar la soberanía popular con las acciones políticas tendientes a regularla a partir de los nuevos ordenamientos jurídico-políticos que emergieron luego de la crisis de la monarquía española de 1808. Es sabido que esta crisis abrió en el conjunto del espacio hispanoamericano un abanico de alternativas y de disyuntivas que los actores políticos del periodo debieron sortear hasta llegar a la consolidación de Estados-naciones. En este sentido se explorarán en el Río de la Plata, algunas de las tensiones y conexiones entre la aceptación, por un lado de la república como forma de gobierno general, basada en el principio de la soberanía popular y de la representación política, y las modulaciones que fue adoptando “la república” tanto desde el punto de vista conceptual como jurídico-político. En este segundo plano, los desplazamientos producidos desde las “repúblicas capitulares” pasando por las “repúblicas provinciales” hasta llegar a la “república Argentina” están íntimamente vinculados a la redefinición de la imputación territorial del sujeto de la soberanía. La reflexión incluirá, por lo tanto, un análisis integrado de las variaciones que exhibió el problema de la soberanía asociado al de la construcción de la(s) república(s) a lo largo del siglo XIX.

Bolívar’s Raceless Nation

During the independence wars and up to his death in 1830, Simón Bolívar struggled to build a raceless nation while simultaneously fearing slave uprisings and what he called “pardocracia” (literally the rule of the pardos, or free people of African descent). Based on archival research in Colombia, on Bolívar’s speeches, decrees, and correspondence with other patriots as well as on Gran Colombia’s constitutions and laws, my paper will focus on the internal tensions in Bolívar’s vision of the future Gran Colombian nation produced by his republican yet authoritarian and hierarchical social ideals, his concern for keeping the lower classes, particularly the pardos, in check, and his close experience with troops of diverse origins and training. It will pay special attention to the evolution of Bolívar’s conception of the nation and the changing means he thought necessary to prevent a lower-class and pardo takeover that included banning the colonial racial categories, silencing the issues of race and racism, and executing leaders of African descent who might embody pardocracia.
My paper will end with a discussion of Bolívar’s attempt to impose a semi monarchical constitution in 1826-28, when socio-racial tensions were mounting and Gran Colombia slowly disintegrated. Bolívar’s constitution would have transformed Gran Colombia into a federation of authoritarian republics placed under the supreme authority of a president for life (himself) who was to choose his successor, a formula he borrowed from the 1816 Haitian constitution. The project guaranteed equality and banned all privileges as well as slavery, but limited suffrage to those who were literate, paid taxes, and had an occupation. Like previous constitutions, it did not mention the colonial racial categories and integrated Indians and men of African descent into the citizenship. Yet during his dictatorship of 1828-30, Bolívar did not abolish slavery, repressed attempts by the lower classes of color to politically challenge the status quo, and restored the colonial indigenous tribute.

Regional elites, monarchic state and national project: The meanings of Brazilian republicanism in the 19th century

Institutional continuity in Brazil in the course of the 19th century is usually ascribed to the unique experience of an independence that was engendered within monarchy and to the constitution of a unity on the basis of the state that, even before the advent of the nation, had a considerable level of cohesion among a highly trained elite, whose members had been in most cases educated and socialized in the metropolis. Thus, it is argued that the state elite and monarchic succession guaranteed the institutional stability that characterized the political experience in Brazil in comparison to the other South-American nations in the 19th century.
This paper does not challenge the general lines of that thesis, but tries to highlight the role played by the regional elites in the creation of political stability under the monarchy and in the reception of republican ideas in 19th century Brazil. In our view, the variations of the concept of republic and Brazilian republicanism in the 19th century provide a lens through which one can examine the movement of the regional elites in their negotiations with the political center and identify possible forms of loyalty, dissent and autonomy of those elites vis-à-vis the political center.
In a broad spectrum that ranges from purely formal interpretations of the regime’s institutional advantages to the creation of modernizing or reformist projects for society and the state, including more or less ephemeral experiences of actual institutional rupture – one of them is the secessionist alternative that attracted the elites in southern provinces of the empire in the 1830s – the various forms of expression of Brazilian political agents and republican propagandists in the 19th century constitute cases of political aggiornamento and repositioning of the regional groups among themselves and in their relationship with the court. At the methodological level, they function as a key to understand the nature of the relationships that structured the universe of power and the relationships between regional elites and imperial power in Brazil.

The dilemmas of the republican experiment in Peru, 1821-1878.

In Peru, just in like any territory that belonged to the Spanish Empire, the experiment of constructing political representation occurred amidst uncertainty, and thus it produced, among political actors, a combination of fear and hope. The image of the forking path provided by the newspaper "La Abeja Republicana", gives an accurate view of the way many Peruvians felt, in regards of the future of their nation.
In this paper I would like to reflect on the political conditions under which modern Peru came to life. Therefore, I propose a discussion on three historical junctures that, I beleive, had a direct impact on the formation of the country's political culture. The analysis of the first juncture, including the election of the first Constitutional Congress and the legislative elections of 1826, helps to address some of the problems that strained Peru's republican experiment. The political culture fashioned during the tradition from colonial to a republican system suffered several transformations in the years of the militarized republic (1829-1872). By means of a procedure that included political pacts with the "pueblos" the military helped incorporate the provinces into a national political system.
The complex electoral model devised by general Castilla (1845-1850) and its followers-which was fostered by guano money-had its utmost expression in the election of general Echenique as president of the republic. In 1851 Echenique transferred both patrimonial practices and the culture of war to the electoral arena. The Liberal Revolution of 1854 that removed Echenique from power attempted to transform the political culture introducing a more democratic agenda for Peru.
During the 1860's, which marks the crises of the militarized republic, a group of civilians formulated the idea of nationally based political clubs which they thought could compete with the "caudillo's" old political machineries. The process went through several stages, reaching its climax in the elections of 1872. There the civilista movement, led by Manuel Pardo, was able to defeat, at last, the candidate of the military with a blend of republican ideology, money, a national organization and great expertise in the electoral system procedures.

The Nation as seen from the Battlefield: Soldiers and Peasants in the Making of Independent Peru

It is commonly held that upon the proclamation of independence and following the progressive dismantling of the market circuits that had held Peru together during the colonial period, the newly born country fragmented into pieces that hardly related to one another. Some have said that to speak of “nation” and “state” in this context is but an artifice of language. This paper will contest this economic-centered view of the republic’s birth by highlighting the role of war and the army as vehicles of integration of the most remote villages of the country with the central government in Lima.
I argue that war itself drew the boundaries of the state. My analysis will focus on the independence campaigns of 1821 to 1824, which I maintain, created a pattern of fight that subsequent civil wars will follow. I observe the interstices in which the state manifests itself through individuals and the boundaries between militaries and civilians became blurry. By analyzing previously undisclosed war dispatches and correspondence kept in Peru’s Military Archive, the paper will provide the perspective of the soldiers, form the highest officers to the lowest ranking sergeants, village authorities, and guerilla commanders, as they set up to raise the armies for the independence campaigns, in the north, center and south of the country.

Livre, cultures et nationalités en Europe centrale et orientale, XVe-XIXe siècle

Livre, cultures et nationalités en Europe centrale et orientale, XVe-XIXe siècle

Nouvelles tendances de l'histoire du livre chinois

Depuis quelques années l'histoire du livre chinois a connu une évolution notable et rapide et une production exponentielle. Longtemps domaine quasiment exclusif des érudits de Chine, l'histoire du livre s'est maintenant largement ouverte aux chercheurs étrangers, spécialement occidentaux. L'apport de l'histoire du livre européen a permis de modifier radicalement les perspectives de cette discipline traditionelle. Ce sont ces tendances nouvelles qui seront exposées dans la présente communication.

L'Espace Atlantique et la Civilisation Mondialisé. L'histoire et l'évolution du livre en Amérique Latine

Analyser les divers parcours du livre entre Europe et Amérique Latine c'est le but de notre texte. On va essayer de démontrer le composant international, multiculturel et multi-ethnique du livre soit dans la culture latino-américaine, soit dans la culture européenne. L histoire du livre dans l'Amérique du Sud ne peut pas se renfermer sur elle-même, une fois que dans son évolution le livre est instrument et partie constitutive d'une diversité planétaire.
Le livre a écrit des pages très importantes dans la construction de la modernité et du capitalisme globalisé. Ses lieux de production, ses circuits de circulation, ses destinataires, ses formules éditoriaux, ses formats matériaux, ses lieux de dépôts, sa valeur symbolique, ses contenus et ses répertoires textuels ont été mélangés à l'histoire de la colonisation, pas seulement lusophone et hispanophone, dans la nouvelle ordre économique et social de l'espace atlantique, mais à l'histoire du contact et des échanges culturelles, ethniques, politiques et scientifiques des deux côtés de l'Atlantique.

Le livre dans les (ex-)colonies - Les Pays Bas/l'Afrique du Sud/ L' Indonesie

Dans les (ex-)colonies, le livre a joué un rôle important. Pour les Pays Bas surtout l’Afrique du Sud et ‘l Indonesie etaient des regions ou on lisait de l’imprimé en neerlandais.
Comment les éditeurs néerlandais ont-ils saisi cette opportunité ? Ont-ils exporté beaucoup de livres ou ont-ils ouvert des filiales à l’étranger ? L’État néerlandais a-t-il, dans un élan de nationalisme, favorisé la création d’un marché du livre néerlandais à l’étranger ? Dans ma contribution au congrès, je me propose d’aborder ces thèmes afin d’identifier les réseaux internationaux par rapport aux (ex)colonies.

Le livre dans les mondes arabo-musulmans : une perspective transculturelle

Cette présentation aura pour objet la question du livre dans les mondes arabo-musulmans dans une perspective transculturelle et transnationale. Dans les pays arabes, les débuts tardifs de l’imprimerie conjugués à l’extrême lenteur des progrès de l’alphabétisation ont certainement eu des effets très important quant à l’acculturation vis-à-vis de l’imprimé, ce qui d’ailleurs contraste avec l’appropriation rapide des innovations technologiques constituées par les nouveaux médias. La question de la double tension entre les dimensions pan-arabe et nationale des champs éditoriaux sera étudiée en relation avec la dimension transnationale des sites de diffusion du livre. Le rôle du livre dans la définition des frontières et des franchissements culturels sera traité en relation avec les formes de cosmopolitisme qui caractérisent les différentes capitales ou villes-relais de l’imprimé.

L'histoire du livre en Amérique du Nord depuis l'an 2000

Bilan des dix années écoulées depuis la publication des Mutations du livre et de l'édition dans le monde (PUL/L'Harmattan, 2000). Présentation des progrès réalisés en Amérique du Nord (Canada + États-Unis) sur le plan de la recherche en histoire du livre (contenu et méthodologie). Il s'agira de faire le point sur les travaux de la dernière décennie qui a été marquée par la réalisation de plusieurs grands projets collectifs ayant mené (à ce jour) à la publication de l'Histoire du livre et de l'imprimé au Canada/History of the Book in Canada (six volume) et de A history of the Book in America (trois et bientôt quatre volumes).

Healthy of unhealthy families? The transfer of infant and child mortality patterns across generations

In an earlier article, the authors found a high degree of clustering in infant and childhood mortality in some regions in 19th Century Sweden. Deaths were concentrated to certain high risk families. A couple of characteristics were identified. Belonging to high mortality families was related both to biological and social traits. In this paper we focus on clustering across generations. Do high risk families appear across generations indicating some sort of transfer from parents to children? Is it inherited on both the male as the female line? We perform separate analyses of neonatal, postneonatal and early childhood mortality. Neonatal mortality can be assumed to be more related to genetic and biologic factors while exogenous factors as social conditions and behavior have more impact on the other age groups. We also analyse the connections to fertility behavior and mortality. The areas studied are the Sundsvall and the Skellefteå regions in the north of Sweden and the period is the 19th century. The research material is data files from the Demographic Data Base at Umeå University and consists of information from the parish registers allowing us to analyse life courses of the individuals as well as follow families across generations.

Fertility, nuptiality and the intergenerational transmission of the family fund in Western Europe 1930-1960. An exploration into an alternative hypothesis.

In Dutch historiography, as well as in many Princeton monographs, a culture, language or religion like Catholicism behaves like an ‘outdated prop’ (Caldwell) that would have prevented populations to accept lower levels of fertility and of higher nuptiality. A major problem with these variables is that it is unclear how they exactly work. Is a demographic behavior of high Ig and low Im – linked to religion – caused by a compositional effect, or by a contextual effect, covering socio-economic and political influences (Anderson)? Exploring the case of the abrupt collapse of a traditional system of procreation in a Catholic area of property owning small peasants, an contextual explanation will be offered. The development of the relations between parents and adult children will be focused upon. More specifically, the rules of (in)equality of the intergenerational transmission of the family fund will be analyzed, and will be applied to various European areas.

Values and demography: do values shape intergenerational change?

Recent fertility behaviour in many countries suggests a major shift in values in relation to fertility, family formation and paid work across generations. This shift was presaged in the last decades of the twentieth century when birth rates dropped in ways which caused unprecedented concern. Yet shortly before that period, in certain parts of the English-speaking world in the late 1940s and 1950s, birth rates had appeared uncommonly high, causing talk of a baby boom. What happened to bring about such a major shift in attitude and behaviour between two generations? This paper explores the family formation and fertility behaviour of highly-educated women in both Australia and the United States, beneficiaries of major changes in the economy and the education system. Taking a qualitative approach which draws on surveys and personal records (university reunion books, interviews, diaries and letters) it seeks to identify the values changes which led many women to curtail their fertility and question their role in the world. I ask whether Dirk van de Kaa’s notion of post-modern values can help illuminate the question, whether we can indeed talk as he does of a second demographic transition. In particular I ask whether gender relations can change so radically across generations that family formation and birth rates are affected. What is the part that education plays in this transformation of both values and behaviour?

Did family size affect intergenerational mobility during the demographic transition? An analysis using a multi-generation database of 19th century Antwerp

It has been argued in sociology, economics, and evolutionary anthropology that family size limitation enhances the intergenerational upward mobility chances in modernized societies. In contrast, if parents have a large flock, family resources get diluted and intergenerational mobility is bound to head downwards. Yet, the empirical record supporting this resource dilution hypothesis is limited. This article tests empirically the effect of family size limitation on intergenerational mobility chances in an urban, late nineteenth century population in Western Europe. It uses life course data from the Belgian city of Antwerp between 1846 and 1920. Findings support the resource dilution hypothesis: after controlling for confounding factors, people with many children were more likely to end up in the lower classes. Yet, family size limitation was effective as a defensive rather than an offensive strategy in Antwerp: it prevented the next generation to go down the social ladder rather than helping them to climb it up. Also, resource dilution appears to have been particularly relevant for the middle classes. Implications for demographic transition theory are discussed.

„Local memory on war, German occupation and Soviet postwar experiences in the Donbass region – results of an oral history project (2001-2007)

Larger postwar interview projects with people in the former Soviet Union mainly dealt with special victim groups, mostly Jewish survivors, and in recent times also deported forced labourers, and mainly focussed on their experiences of repression. Other projects interviewed special nationality groups, f.e. Ukrainians, who later emigrated to Northamerica, or members of the organisation of Ukrainian nationalists in Western Ukraine. But so far very few interviews have been recorded with ordinary civilans, who lived under German occupation and experienced national-socialist rule in their everyday live. This paper presents results of a small oral history project during the years 2001-2007. In this project 56 local people in the Donbass region - the former main coal region of the Soviet Union – were interviewed by Dmytro Tytarenko and me about their experiences under the 22 months of German rule. Many aspects of these local memories had been suppressed for decades by the official Soviet and post-soviet memory discourses, but nevertheless survived until today and often were passed on to the next generation by forms of family memory.
Terror clearly was one of the main experiences under German occupation, but it was never absolute. There also existed other spheres of contact and interrelation between Germans and locals, which hardly have been studied so far. Therefore the interviewees were not only asked about how they experienced the murder of the Jews and Soviet POWs or the forced deportations of workers to Germany and the terror against the civilian population, but also about their everyday and work experiences, their survival strategies, religion and cultural live, collaboration and resistance and their individual relationships with the occupiers (Germans and allies). Moreover the respondents were asked about their experiences under Soviet retreat in 1941 and Soviet liberation in 1943 and their live in the postwar Soviet Union, including the different forms of stigmatisation and discrimination against those, who had lived in occupied territory. The wide scope of answers shows again that wartime experiences and biographies of the Soviet citizens often were much more complex and contradictory, than historians have recognized so far and often did not fit into narrow frames of interpretation.

German and Japanese Wars of Extermination 1937/41-1943

This paper tries to analyze the parallels of two extremely violent cases of occupation: German crimes in the occupied Soviet Union 1941-1944 and the crimes of the Imperial Japanese Army in occupied Northern China (Hebei, Northern Henan, Shandong, Shanxi provinces) 1937/41-1943.

“Friendly occupations” – Post-World War II interim military rule in Western Europe and Southeast Asia compared

At the end of the Second World War, liberation from German rule in Western Europe [France and the Netherlands] and from Japanese rule in Indonesia and Indochina resulted in new occupations. Enemy forces were replaced by friendly ones; foreign interventions were continued. As a result, the national and colonial rulers were – to various degrees – depending on allied but foreign power for re-establishing their rule. In this paper, we intend to discuss and compare the dynamics of this ‘friendly’ military interim rule in Europe and Asia. The interaction between ‘friendly’ occupiers and occupied peoples and rulers is supposed to have had a broad impact on post-war (re)constructions of statehood and societies.
These foreign occupations were not without problems. The starting point will be the conceptualization and mandates of allied military occupation, as rooted in international law and applied in legal agreements between the relevant civil and military authorities. One crucial problem is that of the legitimacy of interim rule, which is connected both to the specific agendas and to the performance or efficacy of the administrations. The aspirations of interim rule were constantly changing and often contested by the parties involved. The agendas of the interim rulers were both hybrid and limited – hybrid owing to the mixed civil and military aspects of the occupation; and limited in their time frame, because they were primarily conceived as a necessary step to a postwar geopolitical order. Still, both agendas and time became a source of friction between the occupational and indigenous authorities.
We will investigate the reconfiguration of national, regional and local societies and powers under friendly foreign rule. We will concentrate on a few crucial issues, such as the monopoly of violence, the problems of information and the lack of ‘local knowledge’, and the interference in politics and society.
A comparative study of ‘friendly’ occupation will provide knowledge about the tribulations of the immediate postwar order in a crucial period of transition from war to ‘normalcy’, in a way that is still relevant in today’ s world in which peace-keeping and peace-enforcing is a highly contested part of working towards world order.

Italian POWS and Internees in Occupied China, 1943-1945. An Historical Assessment

Generally speaking, the dates of July 25th and September 8th 1943 are linked, in the collective memory of the Italian people, to a period marked by tragic events, to the confusion of the Italian armed forces, and to the deportation of several hundred thousands people, both military and civilians, who saw the beginning of the dramatic path to internment.
Many authoritative studies on the history of Italian armed forces indicate that more than 1,200,000 Italians were taken as war prisoners during WWII. According to some estimates, almost half of these prisoners were captured by the Anglo-American, almost the same amount by the German and some 40-50.000 were in Russian hands. In the opinion of many scholars, the studies which have so far been produced in Italy are still largely insufficient to draw a historically comprehensive picture of what happened in those years.
Also, these studies say nothing at all or very few things of those Italians, who were in China on September 8th 1943, and were made prisoners by the Japanese.
After September 8th, Japanese troops seized – among other places – the Italian Concession in Tianjin: one part of the Italians, who renewed their trust in Mussolini, kept on operating, though in difficult conditions, in the new political framework; some of them experienced – even briefly – the humiliation of being imprisoned. On the other hand, those who had lined up with Badoglio, were usually sent to concentration camps. Similar events occurred in other Chinese cities, first of all in Shanghai and especially in the International Concession.
The history of those Italians (belonging to both parties), who were in China on that September 8th, basically remains to be written. We are certainly speaking of a minority among the thousands of Italians who suffered, often for many years (generally from 3 to 6 years, since many repatriations ended up in 1947), for being interned. Nevertheless, I believe that, however quantitatively limited, the history of these people plays but an important part in qualitative terms, as part of a more complex historical reconstruction mad up of so many individual stories of human beings who lived those tragic years.
The aim of my presentation is to try to open a new research field, filling potentially a serious gap which exists till today on such important topics. Being a research project which I have just started on, I basically expect to address some general aspects and questions, relying at the same time to some diaries and memories which I have already been able to collect.
The main sources on which I expect to rely are both in Italian, English, French and Chinese (and possibly also Japanese) languages.

Guido Samarani
Professor, History of Contemporary China
Department of East Asian Studies
Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy
Palazzo Vendramin
Dorsoduro 3462
Venezia 30123, ITALY
++39 041 2349505
samarani@unive.it

Intercity Connections: Glasgow and Liverpool’s Atlantic networks in the eighteenth century

The use of networks in historical analysis has become popular in recent years, and Atlantic history in particular has made good use of this methodology. Many of the current works on the early-modern British Atlantic make excellent connections between Britain generally and the British West Indies, between Scotland and the West Indies, between Glasgow and Virginia and more recently on Liverpool and Philadelphia. However, there is very little work on the connections between the two cities within Britain vying for the title of second city of Empire– Liverpool and Glasgow. Given the importance of these two cities to the British empire at this time, with Glasgow’s dominance in the tobacco trade and Liverpool’s importance to the slave trade, it seems worthwhile to further investigate the links between these two cities. In doing so this paper aims to make links between the two cities themselves, and their joint role between them and the wider Atlantic world.

This paper forms part of a larger project on the merchants of Liverpool and their connections with the British-Atlantic world. A quick glance at the shipping information in the Liverpool newspapers highlights the amount of trade between Liverpool and Glasgow, and certainly the coastal trade was a large (if as yet unquantified) part of Liverpool’s commerce. However, the paucity of surviving records within Liverpool outside of the slave trade means that records in Scotland have to be used in order to decipher the trade relationships between the two cities. Preliminary research into this area has given a tantalising glance into the relationships between merchants in the two cities. For example, Buchanan and Simson had connections with some major Liverpool houses including Crosbies & Trafford, James Gildart and Halliday & Dunbar. Buchanan & Simson imported tobacco from Maryland and sugar from Jamaica via Liverpool (and tobacco from Bristol as well) and exported goods to Maryland via Halliday & Dunbar. They co-invested in ships to the West Indies, exported merchandise for barter on the African coast with Crosbies and Trafford and were involved in underwriting insurance with James Gildart. These merchant houses also swapped price data and commodities between the two cities in order to solve market imperfections. It would appear that whilst in competition with one another, these two cities were also connected.

It is hoped that further research will illuminate and complicate these relationships. Research questions of the data might include: was the coastal trade between these two cities more important than their joint relationship with the wider Atlantic? to what extent did these intercity networks within Great Britain play a part in wider Atlantic developments? This is an exploratory paper, but hopefully one which will prompt further research into this more coastal aspect of Atlantic networks for Scottish merchants.

Local connections, global ambitions: creating Scottish networks in the eighteenth-century British Atlantic world

This paper explores the ways that networks originating in Scotland expanded and extended throughout the British Atlantic world in the eighteenth century. It uses one particular case study: the Baillies of Dochfour, who originated in the Highlands of Scotland, but spread their influence throughout the Atlantic world. Regarded by Henry Laurens as among the principal slave traders in St Kitts, the Baillies acquired plantations and built mercantile links with a series of British Caribbean islands. They then returned to Britain to establish themselves as leading merchants and politicians in the key English ports of Bristol, Liverpool and London.

The paper shows that members of the family employed a variety of strategies to expand and secure their network, including connections of kin, marriage and commercial advantage. It suggests that to understand the practices of Scottish merchants, historians need to look beyond those in Glasgow. In so doing, the existence of global ambitions in places like the Highlands (not traditionally regarded as an imperial power centre) also points us towards the pervasiveness of empire in British society. At the same time, the family’s movement from the Highlands to the Caribbean to the metropolitan centres of Britain tells us much about how the British Isles were unified and how the British Atlantic world was forged.

Strikingly, the Baillies, through connections with other branches of their family, also entered the slave trade on the African coast and East India Company service. From a small base in the Highlands of Scotland, then, this family embraced a global ambition, arguably with a greater clarity and coherence of purpose than was possible for governments of the day.

Commerce on the Peripheries: Atlantic Trade Networks Among Boston's Scottish Merchants

In 1682, John Borland, a young Scot recently released from his indenture to a Glasgow merchant, arrived in Boston and began to construct an impressive commercial network that ultimately stretched from New England to the Caribbean, Surinam, the Netherlands, London, Glasgow and Ulster. Borland entered an active international trading community in New England, and was most likely attracted to the region because of its large and growing population of Scottish merchants. Although commercial networks in the early modern period are frequently seen as emanating from centers toward outlying regions, this pattern perhaps better describes eighteenth-century commerce. In the seventeenth century, trade was more diffuse, with merchants located in ports throughout the Atlantic world, connected by intricate networks of countrymen. This paper outlines Borland’s commercial connections to illustrate this pattern of trade and to underscore the role of merchants in peripheral regions in seventeenth-century Atlantic commerce.

In the early modern world, commercial networks developed through many sources, particularly nationality and kinship. Scots in Boston used these channels, and also developed a colonial version of the Royal Scottish Corporation in London, the Scots’ Charitable Society. This benevolent organization was founded in Boston in 1657/8 to aid indigent Scots in the region, and by the end of the century, the SCS connected Scottish merchants throughout England’s mainland colonies, the West Indies and Scotland. Membership in the SCS facilitated the diffuse trade networks through which most of Boston Scots worked.

John Borland’s commercial networks show us that the late seventeenth-century Atlantic world was a wide-open market for merchants. Although Europe’s colonizing countries tried to limit and control mercantile activities, they did not have the power to do so effectively. Merchants from smaller, more peripheral countries based in colonial regions permeated Atlantic markets, trading through countrymen throughout the region. Even though scholars have been debating the characteristics, and even the existence, of various Atlantic worlds (British, Dutch, or French Atlantics, for example) in the seventeenth century, merchants and sailors from smaller countries transcended such “imperial” boundaries and created a multi-national, multi-ethnic Atlantic.

Commerce-raiding Activity in the Spanish American Empire

Recent scholarship on early modern pirates, most notably Marcus Rediker’s, has largely characterized them as a rebellious—and hence criminal—maritime working class during the rise of capitalism in the Atlantic World. In contrast, this study considers pirates as businessmen by re-examining their own sense of legitimacy within the context of the rise of capitalist politics, most famously Locke’s influential 1688 redefinition of the state-economy condominium. Using hitherto unknown Spanish archival evidence, I analyze the 1687 split that occurred within a company of adventurers headed by Captain Swan and the famous William Dampier, who operated in Spain’s Asian and Pacific waters at the very moment that Locke was writing his treatises. Swan’s men split off from Dampier’s because they could no longer accept Dampier’s definition of piratical acts as “privateering.” Thus maritime entrepreneurs worldwide were exploring the legitimation of their actions and words dialectically in terms of capitalist and liberal trends; they were doing so in order to strategize predation’s place within profit and to test the boundaries between globally competing types of political and economic systems.

From Lepanto to Utrecht: the Golden Age of the Mediterranean Privateering

Between the Battle of Lepanto (1571) and the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), an alternative to maritime war and trade developed strongly in the Mediterranean - the corso. During this period, the interaction of three significant factors stimulated commerce-raiding activity. First, there was political instability, especially in relations between Spain and France. Second, vessels and traders from the Atlantic ports of north-west Europe penetrated all the commercial routes of the Mediterranean. Third, the Holy War between Muslims and Christians raged throughout the era. The conjunction of these factors created the perfect economic and political environment for privateering to flourish.

An Enemy in Peace: Maritime Predators & the British Government, 1815-1830

Despite Britain's neutrality in the Latin American Wars of Independence, British trade in the western hemisphere suffered frequent interruptions and spoliations at the hands of maritime predators in the period 1815-1830. This paper analyses the measures adopted by the British government to suppress this prize-taking activity within the context of its wider foreign policy objectives. Such an investigation reveals much about the nature and extent of state power in the early nineteenth century.

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Images as sources for the History of Education: New approaches and challenges for the future

The images had increasingly became a valuable source for the History of Education in the last decade. They provide information about the materiality of schooling, but also about the symbols and representations of educational activities and developments. Pedagogical innovations usually have an iconic representation universally recognizable, as long as many of the activities daily performed in the classroom. The representations of the schoolteacher, the students or of the disciplinary means have also cross the borders and contribute to create a global "image" of the education constructed along several centuries.
The paper focus on the role of the images as sources for the History of Education, if they provide with information that cannot be found in any other sources and the methodological issues discussed in the scientific community in the last years. Some different methodological approaches will be presented and we will analyse its possibilities for exploring new fields of research in History of Education.

Films in History Teaching – What effects do they have?

According to several empirical surveys, films are frequently used in secondary school history classes and they are of special appeal to pupils. Following some short remarks on the most important contributions of history didactics on the subject of “films in teaching”, the following questions are going to be answered on the basis of selected empirical studies:
- What issues of 20th century history are illustrated by film in classes?
- How do teachers deal with different categories of films? (e.g. documentary, feature film, historical film, compilation film, didactical film)
- To what degree are the pupils made aware of the characteristics of these categories?
- To what degree is the information transmitted by film consolidated in class? Is a source-critical approach to films cultivated?
- Is this information brought into connection with other sources of information?

In conclusion, I shall present some theses that show possible values of the use of films in history classes for the development of the pupil’s historical awareness.

Transforming images of world history through internet in history classroom

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Photography as Political History: Hot Spots in Cold War

Background : The countries receiving Marshall help in 1948 - 1950 were required to participate in a major public relations program to explain the plan through text, photography and film. Well-known American media leaders teamed with European photographers were hired to promote the program and to organize a vast production of visual material intended for exhibitions and publication. The purpose was to give Europeans the facts and figures on the European Recovery Program and to promote the idea of a united European community.

The aim of my research is to investigate how photographs participate in the construction of the historic. By bringing into spotlight new research material; photographic files that were created under very specific political and economical condition, I will discuss the rhetoric between photography and politics in the aftermath of World War II.

Methodologies: The research subject as such opens up some urgent questions of how to deal with photographic files in archives. How can photographic archives contribute to new readings of the past? How to balance the empirical research and the theoretical approach? How to characterize a historic file, which is organized around a political argument, supporting an utopian narrative? By using both empirical research methodology and documentary film theory, the readings seem to be determined, neither by the subject matter nor by the intentions of the photographer, but rather by the contexts in which the images have been filed, exhibited and published. By placing the images into the iconographic context of the post-war period, investigating how they were published and diffused in a particular context, showing how the photographs were contextualized through supporting texts or legends, or on the contrary de-contextualized and relocated in a narrative, supported by typography and layout, problems of “voice over” and “rhetorical representation” become immanent.

Dynamics of Mortuary Politics in Yoruba Society, Nigeria

This paper investigates the change-producing forces in Yoruba mortuary practice from the nineteenth century till date. It focuses, among other things, on the role of religion, social status, affluence, and the relentless claims of tradition. The issue of individual identity is also crucial to this study as the place and manner in which a person is interred confirms and seals his/her identity vis-à-vis others in the society. Another pertinent issue is the ownership of the dead body, and here, I discuss the various roles played by the family, the community, and even the state (in the case of public figures) in claiming the dead. At the heart of this study is the question of the rights of the dead in Yoruba society. Do the Yoruba dead have any rights given the contestation over them irrespective of their own will (emotive and/or legal), by the different parties mentioned above? This paper shows how the ‘rights’ of the Yoruba dead have been variously contested, confirmed, and even exercised by proxy, depending on the exigencies of the time. To illustrate this, interesting examples are drawn from the dead of various descriptions: nineteenth-century Christian converts, twentieth-century Yoruba traditional rulers and other public figures.

Demands of the dead and archaeological interventions

This paper examines the construction of rights in relation to the dead, focusing in particular on the ways in which Christian traditions in Western Europe and North America have informed archaeological practice. The dead are not a unitary category and the ways in which they are endowed with rights serve to articulate difference, recognizing some bodies after death as more suitable to be identified, remembered, mourned and reburied. In this context I’d also like to consider the ways in which the agency of the dead has been conceptualized and relate this to changing perceptions of human remains in archaeological anthropology.

Posthumous Dignity

Do the dead have rights? If we want to tackle this question, we have to create clarity about a another question that logically precedes it: who or what are the dead? I argue that the ontological status of the dead is ambiguous because the dead are less than human beings but more than dead bodies. They are no longer human beings, but are still reminiscent of them. In trying to catch that ambiguity, I define the dead as former human beings. This definition is superior to rival definitions. It has one important consequence: that the dead do not possess rights (that is, human rights). However, it is not because the dead do not possess rights, that the living do not have duties regarding them. On the contrary, they do. The question is why. My answer is that the living have duties to the dead because the dead possess posthumous dignity and therefore deserve respect and protection. Posthumous dignity should not be confused with human dignity. The claim that the dead possess posthumous dignity rests on indirect but firm and widely shared evidence. The essay closes with a discussion of some of the broader repercussions of my findings.

Dignity, Rights, and Care: A Materialist Approach to the Rights of the Dead

This paper argues that philosophical arguments about the dignity, agency and rights of the dead all become fatally entangled in issues of cultural difference and ontological uncertainty (about who the dead are, and what they want). It asks that we shift our focus from theoretical justifications for the rights of the dead to the question of what the rights of the dead would do in a real-world context: the context of forensic investigations of human rights violations. In this context, I argue, teams of forensic scientists cannot possibly grant or restore the human rights of the dead with anything approaching the completeness or universality that human rights demand. Instead, I offer a materialist approach to the violated dead body, one inspired by the movement for the repatriation of remains to indigenous peoples. This model sees forensic investigation as a form of repatriation of the bodies, objects, and even living children of the dead and disappeared, all of which were violently displaced from the physical and social worlds they once inhabited.

Neither Oblivion nor Memory

By combining three of my art projects xy-ungelöst, Container and Mathemes of Re-association (Monument Group) this paper attempts to investigate the ways in which we can engage with the past to confront the drives to forget.
“xy ungelöst” the work which is about a massacre that took place in Kosovo in 1989 when 33 ethnic Albanians were killed; “Container” - crime that happened in North Afghanistan when thousands Taliban people were killed during the American invasion “Mathemes of Re-association” (with a Monument Group) - genocide in Srebrenica that happened in 1995. Different artistic strategies of reconstructing the suppressed memory of traumatic events of mass killings in a relationship with the community will be presented. These artworks are critically investigating the politics of rights to narrate traumatic past and artistic strategies of taking over the right to narration of the crime; a creative act of producing a visual trace, which opposes the politics of total annihilation, with a focus on questioning the politics of administering the body remains (with the Monument Group); Throughout the entire process of forensic analysis, quantification, and identification of the Srebrenica victims body remains, an unpleasant surplus remains: the corporeal surplus that cannot be identified, quantified, buried, or sacralized—the surplus of debased matter, of scattered, excess bones. It is precisely this unpleasant, radically inassimilable material remainder that opens up the real space of politics. It offers itself as, literally, the ground for a process of subjectivization that would not be identity-bound, and that would demand a different sort of memory-politics. We do not know the proper name of this political subjectivization tied to the non-identifiable corporeal remainder, but we do know that its mandate is to interrupt the “parallel convergence” of the contemporary constructions of identity and the politics of terror.
These artworks are centered on a simple hypothesis: There is no remembrance without the political subject. Such is the first step towards a truly political construction correlative to the “unidentified remainder of the crime”.

On books and bullion: A quantitative analysis of the impact of printing on financial integration at the end of the Middle Ages

The introduction of printing in Europe has been described as an ‘information revolution’. While the social and cultural impact of printing has attracted wide scholarly attention, to date, its effect on economic life has been relatively little explored. Market integration, more markedly than other aspects of the economy, is directly influenced by the availability of information and the ability of agents to decode them. As the bullion market integrated more easily than markets for heavier or bulkier goods, its dynamics have implications for the assessment of the importance of the ‘information revolution’ on the growth potential of the late medieval economy as a whole. The analysis is based on panel data of market exchange rates between gold and silver coins, and relies on the ‘law of one price’ as a means to measure financial integration between city-pairs. The effect of printing is captured by the extent to which variations in financial integration are explained by the presence of a printing press and the volume of printing output, as measured by the number of book-editions per capita published. The channels through which printing influenced financial markets are investigated by examining how it interacted with population size and the presence of a university. Preliminary analysis suggests that, whilst printing fell short of having a revolutionary effect on financial integration, it did favor convergence of the value of bullion across city-pairs.

Trade relations between Ancient Rome and Ancient India: A role of Buddhism ( 200 BC-AD 250)

The age of the Shakas, Kushanas and Satavahanas ( 200 BC-AD 250) was the most flourishing period in the history of trade and commerce in ancient India. Particularly this period witnessed remarkable growth in the trade relations between Ancient India and Ancient Rome. Also this period is known for the dominance of Buddhism in the history of India. Buddhism was supported by royal patronage as well as by the laity who were engaged as a productive force in the fields of agriculture, crafts, trade and commerce. Historical sources suggests that Buddhism functioned as driving factor in this commercial ethos. Ancient Buddhist texts, travelogues of Roman traders and the archeological evidences validates this fact.
In this paper my attempt is to throw a light on some questions such as, How the Buddhist ideology and civilization promotes the economic growth in this period? How this trade was decline after the downfall of Buddhism in the cultural conflict with Brahmanical religion which was antagonist to Buddhism?

Franco - Spanish Trade relations late 19th century: exports of Spanish wine during the crisis of phylloxera through the West Pyrénées

Still true that trade relations between the two sides of the Pyrénées has been a constant throughout history, in this work we want to focus on a time when such relationships were intensified as a result of the serious crisis caused vineyard in the French because of phylloxera. This was a factor of demand for wines from other places, as Spain. In fact, the regions of the Ebro experienced an increase in its demand for wine to France to the late 19th century. The existence of infrastructure as were the railway line North in Irún connected with the French MIDI and the port of Pasajes (Guipúzcoa) helped these expeditions of Spanish wine from areas of La Rioja, Navarra and Aragon to France, for that, once mixing, could be sold in the international market wine French. France could maintain its presence in the market and the Spanish regions affected place without their production.

The influence of the Venetian culture in the Lower Danube Area: the role of trade in the Seventeenth Century

This paper is focuses on a topic which is very important for the better knowledge of the social and political evolution of the South-Eastern European area, more specifically of the Balkan Peninsula, component region of the Ottoman Empire, and of the Romanian Principalities, which, in the Early Modern Age, were autonomous states ruled by princes from autochthonous dynasties, confirmed on the throne by the sultan, their suzerain. A very significant aspect which characterizes the economy of this European region, placed by the American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein at the semi-periphery and periphery of the World-Economy, is represented by the fact that the foreign trade, both in the case of the Ottoman Empire and in that of the Romanian Principalities (Wallachia, Moldavia and Transylvania), was monopolised by foreign merchants – Italians (Venetians first of all), occasionally Englishmen, Dutchmen, Frenchmen – or by those coming from the ranks of the ethnic minorities: Greeks, Jews, Armenians, Macedoromanians (also known as Aromanians), numerous of this subject of the Venice Republic. The role of the Venetians, and also of the Greek, Armenian and Macedoromanian merchants, subject of the Venice Republic, was very important in Eastern Europe not only from an economic perspective, but also in what concerns the establishment and financial support given to confessional and secular schools, to publication of books in their national languages and to efforts at manufacturing and preserving their collective identity.

History, identity, and the school curriculum in pluralist societies: Comparative research from the United States, Northern Ireland, and New Zealand

Based on empirical research with students and teachers, this paper examines the relationship between history and identity in three countries in which the school history curriculum differs dramatically. In the United States, school history is used first and foremost to create a shared sense of national identity, and students from a variety of backgrounds see history as a way of establishing who “we” are as a nation; differences among ethnic groups are expressed laregely as varations on the overall theme of national progress and development. In Northern Ireland, on the other hand, history is too controversial to be presented in school as a single master narrative and the curriculum instead relies on a balanced portrayal of Unionist and Nationalistis perspectives and on the use of historical evidence. Students there see the purpose of history as a way of developing an appreciation of multiple perspectives, but without a unifying narrative they are left at the mercy of the sectarian historical narratives they encounter outside school. In New Zealand, meanwhile, national history is almost entirely ignored in schools, and students from divese ethnic backgrounds fail to see themselves represented in a largely Eurocentric curriculum; as a result, history becomes a purely academic exerecise with no direct relationship to students’ identities or to social diversity and cohesion. This paper examines the advanatages and drawbacks of each of these three approaches and suggests how school history in modern pluarlist societies might more effectively incorporate the perspectives of students from diverse social backgrounds.

Curriculum and national identity: exploring the links between religion and nation in Pakistan

This paper investigates the relationship between schooling and conflict in the context of Pakistan using an identity construction lens. Our discussion draws on data from curriculum documents, student responses to specifically designed classroom activities and single sex student focus groups. In the paper we explore how students, in four state primary schools in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Pakistan, use curricular content and school experiences in making sense of themselves as Pakistani. The findings suggest that the complex nexus of education, religion and national identity in Pakistan tends to construct ‘essentialist’ collective identities. To promote national unity across the diverse ethnic groups comprising Pakistan, the national curriculum uses religion (Islam) as the key boundary between the Muslim Pakistani ‘self’ and the antagonist non-Muslim ‘other’. Ironically, this emphasis creates social polarisation and the normalisation of militaristic and violent identities, with serious implications for social cohesion, tolerance for internal and external diversity, and gender relations.

The invention of heritage education: increasing tensions or new opportunities in a heterogeneous historical culture?

This paper focusus on a recent development in contemporary historical culture: the emergence of heritage education. Politicians consider this educational field promising and expect a renewed sense of national connectedness. Cultural minority groups claim their "own" heritage. Their actions are often a local response to the perceived shortcomings of national education policy. At the same time several of these groups articulate a transgression of cultural boundaries and a hybridity of past relationships. In the Netherlands, for instance, the debates about the Dutch involvement in the Atlantic slave trade, initiated by Caribbean Dutch people, show that these ‘contested memories’ are linked to global processes and require an open approach for education.
Next, educational experts indicate that young students are sensitive to heritage and "living history". Visiting a medieval monastery or making a world war battlefield tour appeal to their imagination. The spatial and physical dimensions of historic sites offer youngsters a 'complete' sensory experience, through which they might gain a different kind of knowledge that enlarge their historical understanding. Yet, history teachers and academic historians become uneasy when heritage education seems a government-sponsored state cult on 'national heritage'. Moreover, in their view heritage often involves a staged authenticity that simplifies the past and shortens temporal perspective, hence distracting youngsters from gaining historical literacy.
Although several governments finance heritage education projects, there is hardly any research that might lead to insights to assist the implementation of meaningful heritage education in schools. This paper is related to NWO Research (Grever & Van Boxtel, 2009-2013) and examines the pros and cons of heritage education in the light of the rich diversity of the Dutch student population.

What History for What Future of Québec?

Over the past ten years, the question of restoring the grand narrative of the Québécois has been one of the most discussed issues in Québec. Still today an open conflict persists between the partisans of two major politico-ideological currents, the “conservatists”, on the one hand, and the “reformists”, on the other, for the purpose of establishing the meaning of the story to be told about Quebec’s historical experience and determining the pedagogical-educational approaches specific to the teaching of history and its methodology. This conflict took a particular step when the Quebec Ministry of Education, following the recommendations of an advisory board composed of teachers and didacticians, decided to replace the existing curriculum of National history with a History and Citizenship Education curriculum.
The purpose of this paper is not so much to resurrect the polemics surrounding the implementation of the new history curriculum as to set forth the general context and to raise the fundamental questions surrounding this particular debate: how, in a society challenged by the transformation in its socio-demographics and the flourishing of multiple and limited identities, to tell the story of the Collective? What history to propose of the past to create a common direction in the present and unlock the future? How to regenerate the National reference in a way more inclusive while not instrumentalising the past for the sake of the present? How to write a history that makes it possible for a diversified community to pass into the future while respecting the veto of the facts and incorporating the constraint of the political? In sum, how to build a history of the past that is fair both from the point of view of historical method and social cohesion?

A Surprising Receptivity: Teachers, Politicians and Curriculum Officials Embrace Historical Thinking

There exists a broad consensus among history education researchers and university-based educators (in Canada and internationally) that historical thinking should have a central place in the shaping of history curriculum, pedagogy and assessment. This consensus contrasts quite starkly with the political ends—particularly in the service of national unity and identity—which history education has traditionally served. Yet, at the classroom level, the number of Canadian teachers who have the tools to embed a well-framed conception of historical thinking into their teaching is still very small. Since early 2006, a Canadian initiative, “Benchmarks of Historical Thinking,” has worked to address that weakness.
This paper places the initiative within the context of history education debates in English Canada, examines the development and conceptualization of the project, and then traces its reception and prospects among ministry officials, textbook publishers and teachers. What is perhaps startling and unexpected is the broad acceptance of this reform effort, emerging out of a period when English Canada went through a milder version of what the US and Australia confronted as “history wars,” in a jurisdictional arena where history and social studies—more than any other school subjects—are jealously guarded by the provinces. In the potentially difficult field of history education, what was it that made this reform so acceptable among education stakeholders?

History and memory in France, doubts, contradictions, tensions

The relations between history and memory in French school foster debates and claims that have become more acute during the last decade, with the increasing public and political use of history and memory. The matter is a political issue and a cultural one. The effect on school are undoubted but inconsistent. Commemorations and the “duty of remembrance” are more and more frequently prescribed, which does not mean that every teacher comply to it. The present government emphasizes the aim for national identity – not without contradictions between primary school history curriculum and secondary school one, and not without teachers discussing some issues. But the didactical questions don't focus only on the prescribed and the effective contents ; they address also the teaching practices and the learning results, more often wished than effective. The empirical researches, however scarce on this topic, provide some results that enlighten the complexity of the situation.

Experiencing the past outside school. Towards an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for heritage education

The majority of schools in the Netherlands participate in outside school activities related to heritage, integrated in regular history lessons or in heritage projects. Although the potential of giving students the opportunity to experience the past, through, for example, exploring authentic arte facts or visiting a local historical museum or monument, a theoretical framework with which we can describe this experience and its potential for learning history is lacking. What exactly do we mean by the expression 'experiencing the past' when students encounter heritage relics and arte facts outside school? How is this experience mediated by students’ entrance narratives, the conceptualization of heritage and goals and characteristics of the outside school learning activity? And what is its contribution to historical learning in primary and secondary education?
This paper is related to the NWO Research Program on Heritage Education (Grever & Van Boxtel, 2009-2014). It explores concepts and theories from several disciplines, such as History, Educational sciences, Didactics of history, geography and art, to answer this question. The focus is on how historical thinking and reasoning might contribute to the process of giving meaning to heritage outside school and how experiencing the past outside school in heritage education activities might contribute to history learning. This will be illustrated by some concrete examples from heritage education in the Netherlands.

Introduction

Provocation, criminal liability and diminished responsibility in Scottish cases of assault by a husband on a wife, c1850-1950.

The nineteenth century has been identified as one in which a ‘new softer patriarchy’ emerged along with a more companionate marriage; a wider acceptance of forms of domestic violence and a hardening of attitudes towards men who inflicted violence on their wives. Using criminal statistics, changes in law and practice and the discursive debates which permeated the Scottish media, this paper will highlight how the relationship between provocation, criminal liability and diminished responsibility ensured that attitudes towards men who inflicted violence on their wives reflected greater levels of continuity rather than change in Scotland in the the period 1850-1950.

Legal Attitudes to Sexual Violence in Modern Russia: Cultural Hierarchies in Action

The main idea for this repesentation is to apply different legal approaches to the crime of rape in Europe during the era of codification and emerging regular legal systems and Modern Nation-State. Rape has been one particular crime at the crossroads of forensics, forensic medicine and law that have never been viewed from the humanistic positions. many legal scholars as well as theologians used rape as the most barbarous and obsene example of the criminal behavior and gave a rise to the theories of irrational impulses ot hereditary qualities which formed such type of criminal behavior. None of the theoriest suggested the abolition of death penalty or more humanistic attitude to rapiests. On the otehr hand in practice rapists were not treated as monsters. This condtradition between ideaology and practice needs to be examined as it might give us many ideas for understanding the contemporarty situation around rape and other forms of sexual violence.

Sexual Violence in the 18th Century Portugal: Law vs. Mentalities.

In the 18th century Portugal, criminal law pointed rape as one of the most severely punished crime. But realities show that rape was one of the most frequent publicly denounced crime, contrary to countries like france, England or the Low Countries. For this statistics we can count not with judical process, but with pardon letters that reveals a public sphere, but not always within the formal justice system.
In this paper we pretend to explain this contradiction behaviors, analysing the factors that contributed to this reality, such as age, social status, spacial and social geographies and proximity relations of victims and acused. Otherwise, we aim to provide data about the interesting mechanisms of compensations, showing the value of female chastity in the portuguese urban and rural communities, understanding mental and moral dynamics of this population, concerning sexual aressment.

Trauma and the body-mind dichotomy in 19th-century Dutch rape cases

Recently, several historians of rape stated that before the 19th century, a discourse on psychological trauma was not available for rape victims. Using court records and medical textbooks of forensic medicine, I will show that trauma was expressed through an emotional discourse, in which body and mind were intertwined. The paper will also suggest scientific discourse on sexual identities might differ from popular discourses on body and mind.

Sexual violence in early medieval Western Europe

The phenomenon of sexual violence in the period between c. 500 and c. 900 AD has not been so far subject of the separate and extensive studies of medievalists. This study is based on two main types of written testimonies: the law-codes of several Germanic people (so called leges barbarorum) written down between fifth and ninth century and historiographical narratives (History of the Franks by Gregory from Tours, from the end of sixth century and History of Longobards by Paul the Deacon, from the end of eight century). Germanic leges contain the regulations concerning different kinds of crimes of sexual and violent nature. They focus on their legal aspect. The narrative works present acts of this kind in the context of moral reflection of the Christian historians concerning proper and improper sexual behaviors. In my paper I examine two main problems: (1) how sexual violent acts were placed in legal and social system of early medieval barbarian societies, and (2) how the historians of that time perceived the acts of sexual violence what meaning gave to them in stories they tell.

Tourism’s Role in the Struggle for the Possession of ‘The Centre’ of Australia, 1927-1958

Historians have speculated about the process through which a monumental red rock beyond the colonial frontier in an Aboriginal Reserve became the focal attraction in Australia’s first Outback national park in 1958 and later a major international pilgrimage centre. All mistakenly identify an influential individual as the catalyst: be he transport entrepreneur, journalist or scientist; the date sometime during the 1940/50s and the outcome as serendipitous. This paper reveals that the transformation of the Uluru/Ayers Rock environs into a tourist playground – rather than sovereign Aboriginal State as was contemporaneously debated in parliament – was far from a single event of chance. Rather it argues that from its inception during the late 1920s, the Australian National Travel Association (ANTA) set its sights on Ayers Rock – in the understanding that reserves were a temporary favour conferred rather than right acknowledged to a moribund black ‘race’ – and drew the region into its grasp during the following three decades through the production of a net of meaning and ceremony to commemorate the colonising heritage of a new white nation.

This paper focuses on ANTA’s cultural brokerage and production of a set of tourist gazes and economic patronage of as many architectures of place to launch the Outback as a new tourist destination. It uses visual images to demonstrate how ANTA filled ‘empty’ spaces with historic associations and ceremonial complexes to market five archetypal modes of imperial/colonial travel and set tourists in motion to honour their forefathers: the explorer, boundary rider, prospector, sportsman naturalist and anthropologist.

I seek to show that the individuals who different historians credit as being the catalyst of change all operated within a hitherto overlooked and underestimated ANTA-centric web of power. This comprised many other enfranchised imagemakers and budding entrepreneurs who collectively helped an emergent NTO mobilise a critical mass of touristic interest and build a multi-pronged case for the touristic significance of Ayers Rock, which in 1958 necessarily worked to dispossess Anangu of a sacred site within their traditional lands.

The excision of Uluru/Ayers Rock from the Great Central Aboriginal Reserve in 1958 however, only marked the end of the first chapter in an ongoing struggle over the possession of what is now widely recognised as the ‘red heartland’ of Australia. The second chapter revolved around Anangu’s successful battle during the following three decades to have their traditional rights to land acknowledged and legally restored. And the third chapter continues with Anangu and various government agencies including Parks Australia seeking to strike a balance between providing tourist access and reviving a self-determining Aboriginal homeland. Having established that tourism was in the first instance an undoubtedly powerful force of historical change, this paper poses the question: can it also be a genuine rather than tokenistic force of reconciliation between colonising and colonised peoples? One possible point of entry into answering this question revolves around whether tourism and governments will take unpopular steps to deliver what they promised in 1985 when restoring traditional rights to land. They then agreed to build respect for Anangu wishes through a program of cross-cultural education to stop tourists from climbing what continues to be a sacred mountain despite decades of exogenous driven change.

Changing Battle Lines in the Hot Lakes District c.1900: Tourism Development and the Contested Nature of Place.

That European colonisation of New Zealand acted as an agent for dramatic change in indigenous society is taken as a given. What is less acknowledged is the role that tourism in the country played in societal change within Māori communities. This paper examines specific disputes between Māori tribes regarding control of tourism development at Lake Rotomahana in the central North Island of New Zealand and the resulting change with which they settled differences.

In 1853 members of the Māori tribe Tuhourangi objected to the construction of a house by members of another tribe, Ngati Rangitihi, on the shores of Lake Rotomahana. The builder of the house was thrown into the lake and the house destroyed. The resulting confrontation that immediately followed this incident paled in comparison with the next seven years of military conflict between the two tribes whereby ‘no-one lived outside of their fighting pas’. That these two tribes were willing to engage in warfare is not unusual as they had a history of tribal dispute and conflict dating back some three hundred years. What was novel in 1853 was the introduction of European interests in the region as the building of the house was initiated by an Englishman who had married into Ngati Rangitihi. Abraham Warbrick had realised the importance of a rudimentary tourist trade to the Pink and White Terraces which were situated on the shores of Lake Rotomahana and the house was constructed as a deliberate claim to this particular place.

After the seven years of warfare Tuhourangi emerged as the victor and laid claim to the area through military conquest. The natural resources of the region proved to be a popular visitor attraction and soon became a ‘must-see’ destination for Victorian visitors to New Zealand. The increase in tourist numbers and subsequent economic activity attracted the attention of European investors as well as government agencies and all involved applied pressure on Tuhourangi to sell ‘their’ land.

However, ownership of the region, from a governmental perspective, did not have a confirmed legal status as the land was yet to pass through the Native Land Court. In the 1880s, this process was undertaken to determine ownership and Ngati Rangitihi used this opportunity to petition the European government and actively took part in arguing their case to the courts. This paper traces aspects of the history of this dispute between the two tribes, examining the reasons for it and noting the changing manner in which conflict was settled.

Tourism as a force in anachronistic change: the Portuguese case during the 1st period of the New State (1933-1948)

The downfall of the Republic and rise to power of Salazar(1889-1970), led to the creation of the New State, a fascism type regime. Initially, it developed the infrastructure the country was so lacking, as well as enforced its own political agenda, instead of trying to develop tourism which was considered a frivolous activity. But then came along António Ferro (1895-1956), key propaganda figure of the regime: initially devoid of any tourism responsibilities, he recreates within his competences an image of Portugal on various international venues in Europe and USA (world fairs of 1937 and 1939), until finally gaining the tourism office in 1940. This gives him the opportunity to try to enforce a rural, joyous and especially artistic vision born to a category of «Good taste» that is progressively defined throughout the 1940’s, and that is freely applied to lodging, reception, artistic production and even to the people itself. Marred within the walls of this vision, which was representative of the ideology of the New State, Portugal becomes the country where Tradition (albeit a reinvented one) renders itself official, and where tourism mirrors that, bearing within itself the signs of a country that does not come forward but instead kept going back. Tourism was the tool that ultimately enforced a vision of Portugal that almost rendered it unable to come to terms with progress, by creating a vision that refused modernity and valued popular tradition at all times, and where art reflected exactly that.

Le voyage mis en question : la loi de 1912 sur la circulation des " nomades " (Tsiganes) en France

Après le recensement général de 1895 de tous les " nomades, bohémiens et vagabonds ", suivi du fichage des " nomades " par les Brigades mobiles de police mobile créées en 1907 à l'initiative de Clemenceau, un projet de loi du gouvernement daté du 25 novembre 1908 voit le jour, " relatif à la réglementation de la circulation des nomades " en France. Le projet, conjugué avec les mesures émises plus tard à la Chambre et au Sénat, donnera lieu à la loi du 16 juillet 1912 sur le port du carnet anthropométrique. Cette loi discriminatoire et disciplinaire, qui allait durer près de soixante ans, sans susciter aucune critique au sein du discours juridique dominant,constitue l'étape majeure dans le processus de contrôle et d'identification utilisé par la République envers la mobilité des Tsiganes.

From Traditional Carving to the Plastic Tiki: Tourism in Aotearoa

If travel is the force of historical change then the exotic subject that is the native would be relegated to the sideshow, the guide and they would in time deteriorate into the add on trinket maker and curio savage. In some areas it seems this is their destiny, in others self-determination ensures they are not. We can all vision the tourism stereotype of the exotic grass skirted Hawaiian dancer with the flower behind her hair, or the spear carrying Aboriginal standing on one leg with a red sunset framing his black skinned figure. Tourism successfully creates an image and freezing history to ensure the travelers native ‘experience’ is in line with a frozen concept of how the native should look like. Reality has no place for the popularist tourist interpretation.
Māori predate the modern stereotype as they became active within the tourism industry from as early as the 1870’s in remote Lake Rotomahana. This early exposure became the foundation of what is now a cultural Disneyland that is modern Rotorua with its ‘authentic’ native feasts and dancers spinning and twirling in chorographic unison set to the timing of the tourist bus schedule, even the geysers seem to respond to attendances and the click of a camera shutter. Yet this is not authentic Māori.
Have Māori survived outside of the tourist bubble, maintaining their cultural integrity within a modern age? Has Tikanga; the Māori value system survived or has it evolved, changing with society? Has the journey of history left them behind, or is their culture moving forward? The development and transition of carving styles will be used as the principle medium to discuss change or cultural maintenance. Adopting a grounded theory approach and Kaupapa Māori research methodology a study across a select number of iwis and public buildings including interviews with master carvers will investigate if the impact of tourism, of the traveller has forced historical change.

The Evolving Popularity of Tourist Sites in France: What Can Be Learned from French Statistical Publications

France attracts more tourists than any other country in the world, according to statistics compiled by the World Tourism Organization. These figures are incomplete in that the WTO includes as tourists only those visitors crossing international borders, omitting those who tour within their own countries. The WTO figures, however, are the only statistics currently available for tourism on a worldwide basis. In France, the popularity, or annual numbers of visitors to tourist sites has been tabulated by different government agencies over the years. For example, the Observatoire national du tourisme [ONT] published a list of the 44 most popular tourist sites in France in 2006, with the Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris in first place with some 13,500,000 visitors, followed by Disneyland Paris, with 14,700,000. Breaking the ONT’s figures down into categories, sixteen of the sites could be described as of general interest, eight as places of religious pilgrimage, six (including Disneyland) as spectacles, four each relating to nature and science, respectively, and three each for battlefield or war tourism and the fine arts.

A sample from a list compiled by the Economics and Finance Ministry in 1962 shows an apparent consistency over a forty-five year period. The government figures for 1960 and 1961 showed the Eiffel Tower attracting the most paying visitors. Fifty French sites of “cultural” interest were listed. Of these, twenty-seven could be described as of general interest, including thirteen châteaux. Nine sites were of religious or pilgrimage interest, seven of scientific, five spectacles, three fine arts, and two each for war tourism and nature.

This paper will examine the consistency of the tourism patterns by following the relevant figures for the years between the early 1960s and the present, and by searching for any earlier statistics available. The evidence produced will facilitate the construction of a model of the evolving popularity of tourist sites during the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first centuries in France.

Le Tourisme en Laponie: Naissance d’une Typologie de Voyage à la Fin de XIXe Siècle

La communication se propose de travailler sur le voyage en Laponie et vers le cap Nord et d’analyser le passage de la figure du Voyageur à celle du Touriste, à partir des années 1870 jusqu’à la fin du siècle.
Le tourisme est un nouveau phénomène dans ces régions, normalement visitées, dans les siècles précédents, par des hommes de lettres et de sciences et par plusieurs anthropologues au cours du XIXe siècle. À partir des années 1870, plusieurs agences de voyage (surtout parisiennes) commencent à organiser des tours et des croisières en bateau à vapeur le long de fiords norvégiens, vers le cap Nord, pour montrer les lieux et les aspects « typiques » du pays lapons : les mêmes Lapons s’organisent, pour des petites visites de leurs campements « typiques », tout en sachant profiter du marché touristique (souvenirs etc.).
La communication sera l’occasion pour analyser l’organisation pratique d’un voyage en Laponie à l’époque du tourisme (compagnons de voyage, guides, périodes de l’année, itinéraires, moyens de transport, hébergements etc.) et pour souligner certains aspects intéressants et innovateurs dans l’écriture des récits de ces voyages (langage emphatique, impressions collectives d’un groupe en voyage).

Tourism and regional identity in the south of Norway

Coastal regions are always situated in the exciting field between regional traditions on one hand and cultural border-crossing spaces on the other hand, The new recreational coastal tourism and culture that developed in the South of Norway in the interwar period is an example of this, as it involved an interesting mix between endogenous and exogenous elements. In the paper, the different practices connected to coastal tourism and thei roots are discussed; such as cottages, boat life and the new “beach culture”. The latter was seen as particular controversial, as it involved “free bathing”, daring fashions and sunbathing.
In the 1930s, the southern coastal landscape was no longer seen as “melancholic”, “sad”, “empty” and “romantic”, but as a joyous and boisterous place. This was a result of the dominant zeitgeist and deeper currents in the arts and fashion. It affected both tourists and the local population, with younger people being particularly keen to embrace the new outlook. In the case of the South of Norway, it was also connected to a general opening of the maritime landscape – both to tourists and to leisure activities for locals. The result was that the image of the region changed, and became associated with the sun, sea and summer.

How aviation changed the Holiday – The Norwegian dream of the South

The Mediterranean has since the late 18th century been a favourite destination of the privileged classes. Like the Grand Tour of the European elites, or the rich and the famous going to the Riviera in the 1920s.
The late 19th century saw the introduction of regulated holiday for the working classes. Holiday centres was, for example established on the south coast of Britain, as a kind of local Mediterranean. The real South being out of bounds due to the lack of transportation. Temperance preacher Thomas Cook also introduced packaged tours by train and ship, at this time.
With the introduction of mass transportation by air after World War II, the phenomenon of Holiday changed fundamentally. The end of the Berlin Blockade made available a huge amount of aircrafts for new uses. In 1949 the British journalist Vladimir Raitz organized the first charter tour with airplane to the South. The modern charter tour was born, and a new holiday trend started.
Since then, the yearly holiday migration from North Western Europe to the South, mainly Spain, has been the world largest movement of people. The movement goes by airplane, organised in charter tours. 1 million Norwegians go to the South by package air tour every year. The charter tour has become the incarnation of the Holiday. The air plane takes you to the warm, sunny, carefree dream destination in the South.
The dream destination is abroad. But we don’t want to experience too much foreignness. It is after all a holiday. So the history of the Southern holiday is also a national history. A dream is fulfilled which does not really exist in the real world. And the airplane takes us there.
This presentation will focus on how the airplane changed the holiday of the masses. How the holiday and the airplane grew to become one and the same. How the airplane fullfills the philosophy of the holiday. I will describe the development of air charter travel to the South. The focus will mainly be on the history of the Norwegian Southern tour, but this will serve as an example of the Southern holiday in general. I will also try to offer some thoughts on how the airplane has changed our view of the holiday and how it has affected both us who travel, and the destinations we travel to.

“Change of Tourism in the Northern Borderlands: Karelian Isthmus and Tourism Development (c. 1870-1940)”

The paper discusses the development trends of tourism in the Karelian isthmus, which has for centuries been a historical border region between Finland and Russia/Soviet Union. Known for its natural beauty it drew individual travelers even in the eighteenth century from St. Petersburg and Central Europe. The main attractions were the famous Imatra rapids, the sunny beaches of Terijoki and the medieval historical center the city of Viipuri.
The paper analyzes the role political change in tourism development. Tourism actually began after the railway was constructed from Helsinki to St.Petersburg in the 1870’s. Helsinki was the capitol of autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland, a part of the Russian Empire from 1809. A major change occurred in 1917, the Russian empire collapsed, and Finland became independent. Borders were tightly closed and tension continued between Finland and the expanding great power Soviet Union until the break of the Second World War in 1939. Before 1917 tens of thousands of tourists had yearly arrived from St.Petersburg to the isthmus for vacationing, but from 1917 to 1940 most tourists were Finns in their own country, plus a small number of Western tourists. After the Soviets attached the Isthmus to their areas in the Second World War, the clientele and tourism structures again were reformulated: the Isthmus became a minor section of the Soviet tourism organization, the Imatra falls remained however a part of Finland.
There was interaction between tourism development and political decisions. However, it seems that in our case politics was the prime mover, and the role of tourism was to adapt to the changing circumstances.

U.S Tourism and Empire in Post-revolutionary Mexico and Pre-revolutionary Cuba: A Comparative Study

According to traditional historiography, a small group of policymakers in Washington, assisted by U.S. corporations and Latin American elites, determine Inter-American affairs. I argue that the U.S. hemispheric empire has endured partly because the hard power brandished by marine brigades, financiers, and treaty makers has been accompanied by softer powers. Tourists and the international travel industry constituted one form of soft power which facilitated the expansion of the U.S. consumer and cultural presence in Latin America. Hosts too possessed soft power and often wrung benefits from the tourism relationship – but they do not always possess the political freedom or political will to do so. An examination of tourism, thus, demonstrates that empire is a more textured and interactive system of inequality than commonly assumed and that tourism is an active force for historical change
The history of mass tourism in post-revolutionary Mexico and pre-revolutionary Cuba demonstrates the varied and unpredictable impact of visitor-host arrangements on Inter-American relations. Large scale commercial tourism in both countries coincided with the advent of prohibition in the United States immediately following World War I. Mexican border towns such as Tijuana, Mexicali, and Ciudad Juarez served as magnets for thirsty U.S. consumers. Legal gambling and widespread prostitution added to the allure, especially for male Yankees who imagined Mexico to be a remnant of the old U.S. West. Havana essentially followed the border town model, although Old Habana’s colonial ambience and the development of seaside attractions in suburban Mariano lent Cuba a more cosmopolitan ambience.
The parallels between the two, however, soon diminished. Scholars of the Mexican revolution (1910-1920) concur that the post-revolutionary state moderated popular demands for social and economic reform. U.S. visitors to Mexico during the 1920s and 1930s nonetheless encountered a vibrant cultural nationalism that disdained the nation’s dependence on foreign, mainly U.S. capital, celebrated the dignity of campesinos and workers, and realigned Mexico’s identity with its pre-colonial, indigenous past. In this context, local service workers, unions, artists, and businesses often challenged the tourist presence – via organized strikes and less overt forms of resistance to visitor demands. The central government in Mexico City evolved policies to subsidize hotels and restaurants owned by Mexican nationals, ban casino gambling, and promote archeological projects, art, and historic preservation that simultaneously attracted tourists and advanced domestic identity formation and state-building. From the U.S. side of the border, rail road companies, travel writers and agents, educators an artists, and other interest groups bolstered the Mexican travel industry.
Cuba on the other hand continued to pursue policies that catered to local elites and U.S. private interests. By the 1950s more than 200,000 mostly U.S. visitors invaded Cuba annually relishing Havana’s mob-run casinos, its all-night bars and clubs, and its modern, high-rise hotels. The capital city in particular, with its large commercial sex industry, registered in the North American imagination as a place where pleasures forbidden at home might be indulged – a tropical oasis from Cold War ideals that associated the nuclear family with national security in the nuclear age. The realignment of Havana’s built environment, along with the imposed identity as a North American playground, proceeded under the aegis of the island’s stalwart pro-U.S. dictator Fulgencio Batista.
In both cases, visitor-host arrangements represented far more than a sideshow in the history of the U.S. hemispheric empire. As Mexico’s hosts vied to contain the tourist presence, U.S.-Mexican diplomatic relations – strained by revolutionary era land confiscations and oil nationalization – gradually improved. Most diplomatic historians view the rapprochement as a consequence of geopolitical the coming of global war in the 1930s, and Washington’s desire to secure access to Mexico’s natural resources and political support. But I argue that the warming trend began during the previous decade, and grew from visitor-host negotiations as well as diplomatic parlays. While tourism and the multi-stranded contacts it nourished did not cause political accommodation, it blurred territorial borders, accelerated cultural interaction, and provided an essential context for political dialogue.
Whereas Mexico sought to contain U.S. tourism and leveraged a modicum of negotiating space from Washington, Fulgencio Batista curried Washington’s favor by pledging to contain communism. In the end, the unchecked soft power of U.S. tourism generated resentments in Cuba that undermined state structures as well as national identity. Fidel Castro’s rise to power did not abruptly end the tourist-host relationship. Like Mexico’s post-revolutionary government, the new regime worked to revive but also regulate Cuba’s tourism sector – even providing cash loans to the Habana Hilton to extend operations. Washington’s refusal to bow to Cuba’s nationalism and Castro’s fervent anti-Americanism ultimately derailed negotiations, but the soft power inherent to tourism ranked among the last vestiges of U.S. hegemony to survive the revolution.

How Puerto Rican Nationalism thwarted the civilizing tourism project of Governor Blanton Winship

Tourism was a project to be developed in Puerto Rico by American entrepreneurs since the 1898 invasion of the Island. This idea was clearly stated in books like Our Islands and Their People of 1899 and in other scouting accounts or travel guides. Tourism was not unknown to Puerto Ricans during the XIXth century. Puerto Rican proud elite traveled extensively through Europe and the Americas, studied in Madrid, Paris, Caracas Havana or New York. Health tourism had been developed since 1848 in places like the Baños de Coamo. But U.S.A.’s metaphors to justify imperialism pictured Puerto Rico and other of its newly acquired territories as orphaned infants to be civilized. Although not part of this paper, I must make clear that different efforts were made during the first three decades of the XXth century to develop this industry in the Island by U.S. interests in conjunction always with pro-American Puerto Rican elites. The opening of the Vandervilt Hotel in the Condado area land strip in 1919, an area that would eventually develop into the most important area in the Island of the Grand Holtels and the American way of life, was one of them.

The IOC of Pierre de Coubertin: circulation of elites, international relations and institutional production

Purpose of the paper is tracing the process of an international sport system construction, pivoted on an original institution, IOC, representing a key site, looking for traces on the process of a “first globalization”, up to Nation Societies, the birth of which was not indifferent to IOC considering itself a precursor of the same purposes and objectives.
The period chosen is that of Pierre de Coubertin’s leadership (1894-1925).
First of all it will be reconstructed the particular governance of IOC, through the members’ profile reconstruction, expression of a cultural and institutional trans-national social circuit, where public and private, national and international combine in a complex and articulate way. Therefore it will proceed to analyze the constitution processes (and identification) of 32 NOCs created until 1925, of which peculiarities and characteristics will be analyzed.
The methodological perspective will be based on history and social and institutional analysis, for the first time applied systematically to IOC, combining contributions from different disciplinary points of view.
Sources: archives of Olympic Museum, Lausanne; general and specialized press; books and review from the time, coming from political and sport fields.

Football, historiographie et théorie des relations internationales

Le football est un acteur majeur des relations sportives internationales. Vecteur de transferts culturels, de migrations de main d'oeuvre qualifiée et de touristes, objet de politiques étatiques et de projets de régulation continentale ou mondiale, il commence à être pris en compte par les historiens comme un lieu d'observation non-négligeable des relations internationales.
A partir de quelques exemples tels que la Fédération internationale de football association (FIFA), le football italien à l'époque du fascisme ou encore l'Europe du football, la communication visera à replacer cet objet particulier dans les transformations de l'histoire des relations internationales depuis Pierre Renouvin et Jean-Baptiste Renouvin et les apports des théories des relations internationales.

Les relations sportives internationales de Cuba comme enjeu dans le processus d’établissement et de stabilisation du système castriste (1959-66)

Si l’on ne se réfère qu’au système sportif officiel, on peut concevoir les relations sportives internationales de manière idéal-typique comme la somme des rapports qui s’établissent entre les fédérations sportives nationales dans le cadre et selon les règlements des fédérations sportives internationales d’affiliation et en lien plus ou moins étroit avec les politiques extérieures de leurs gouvernements. Après la prise de pouvoir de Fidel Castro au début de l’année 1959, la physionomie de ce triangle relationnel est objet de mutations que les opposants au nouveau régime ne tardent pas à contester. Dénonçant l’emprise croissante de l’Etat sur les « affaires sportives », ils interviennent auprès des grandes institutions internationales du sport pour revendiquer l’exclusion de Cuba et priver ainsi Castro d’une arme diplomatique à laquelle le « comandante en jefe » » accorde une importance particulière. Le Comité international olympique et la FIFA montrent alors des attitudes différentes tout en défendant le même argument de l’autonomie du sport. La bataille est définitivement gagnée par le pouvoir castriste lorsque Cuba parvient à imposer sa participation et à réaliser de brillantes performances aux Jeux de l’Amérique centrale et des Caraïbes en 1966 à San Juan (Puerto Rico), malgré toutes les tentatives de mise à l’écart menées par les Etats-Unis. Cette double victoire, politique et sportive, devient par la suite un élément majeur d’une nouvelle mémoire collective cubaine.
Notre communication retrace ce jeu de force entre le pouvoir politique et l’opposition (essentiellement les exilés cubains de Miami) en examinant plus particulièrement les réactions des deux plus grandes organisations sportives internationales, et tente de contribuer, à partir de l’étude d’un cas spécifique, à la compréhension des conditions et des mécanismes de mobilisation de la diplomatie sportive. Elle s’appuie sur des sources imprimées (consultées notamment à la Bibliothèque nationale José Martí à La Havane) et des documents d’archives en provenance de Lausanne (Archives du CIO) et de Zurich (Archives de la FIFA).

Soviet-German Sporting Contacts during the Cold War – Developing Relations aloof from international block constellations

Generally, the Cold War period offers a range of examples of the interplay of world sports and international politics, many of which are connected to the East West conflict. The differences between the two socially and politically opposed blocks could hardly be kept from the field of sporting competition.
The bipolar power structures already suggest clear concepts of friends and foes in both camps. These patterns were transferred from the constellations of foreign policy to sporting contests. Studying the Soviet sport contacts to the German Democratic Republic (GDR), on the one hand, and to the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), on the other hand, allows the questions if and how the politically determined block constellations of the East-West-conflict were mirrored in these relations.
This paper aims at analysing the transfer of political claims and demands onto expectations connected to sport relations, as was the case between Soviet and West German sport officials. Selected examples from the Soviet-German sport contacts will show that sport relations offered a non-public level of communication and negotiations which was instrumentalised for the pursuit of interests that sometimes diverged from traditional foreign policy patterns of action.
The analysis considers documents from both Russian and German Archives (foreign office, sport confederations etc.)

‘Women and Sport a change in taste’: Identity and sports participation in interwar Britain.

The new modern woman was symbolic of youth and freedom; she embraced life and spent her time in the pursuit of fun and enjoyment. My research indicates that participation in sport was also a central part of modernity for many women during the interwar period in Britain.
The female body was in many ways one of the central focuses of the new modernity. The way it was dressed, its hair styled and even its shape were all intrinsic symbols of a woman’s conformity to modernity and its associated ideals. Sport could provide an opportunity to train and tone the body in an effort to conform to the new idealised ‘boyish’ shape, to improve posture and, it was believed, even to enhance beauty. Sport therefore offered an opportunity to acquire some of the ‘essential’ attributes of the young modern woman, a lithe figure, grace of carriage and clear complexion. However, sport also played an important role in lifestyle. This research indicates the importance of sport to the new concepts of modernity for women by tracing the rapid growth of distinct sports fashions and the use of sporting imagery in advertising.
My research draws on advertising in popular women’s magazines, newspaper cartoons, newspaper articles and medical discussions of sportswomen during these years in order to explore the ways in which this group were represented within the public arena. This paper intends to compare these media representations to the realities of their participation, drawing on oral history interviews and personal records, in order to discover the different ways in which multiple and often contradictory female identities existed in relation to sports participation in this period.

Pluralism and Dutch Colonial Policy in Indonesia

Dutch colonial rule in the Indonesian archipelago was strongly plural. For reasons of parsimony, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had preferred to leave its indigenous subjects as far as possible under the authority of indigenous rulers and under their traditional laws. In the colonial period (that is after the metropolitan state began to run the colony) this system was preserved. Legal pluralism and the rejection of a mission to Westernize the Indies gradually became a matter of deeply held principle that was challenged only briefly and with only limited success during the so-called Ethical Policy of the early 20th century. The pluralist system, along with the armed might of the colonial army, largely kept the peace during the colonial period, but Indonesia suddenly became intensely violent in the aftermath of the Japanese occupation. This paper will suggest that colonial pluralism was a recipe for stability, but that it was fragile, and left colonial society prone to intense violence at times of crisis.

Print and the Pornography of Violence: From the de Brys to Romeyn de Hooghe

Beginning with Theodor de Bry (b. 1528, Liege), and continued by him and his sons in exile, the de Brys put in circulation some of the most violent images ever depicted by European artists. Most, but not all of them, are said to concern the peoples of the New World. Arguably just as readily they may be imagined as expressing the terrified fantasies of people threatened with religious violence. The sensibility constituted a pornography of violence that can be traced in the Protestant imagination – from the de Brys, Fox’s Book of Martyrs, to the engravings of Romeyn de Hooghe that depict Mohammed but also the savagery of the French and Spanish. This imagery begins to soften when we turn to the engravings of Bernard Picart (d. 1733), and the relative peace that followed the end of the reign of Louis XIV.

Foreign policy and military policy of the Dutch Republic in an age of confessional fundamentalism (ca. 1590-1630)

The paper argues that the rise of an international system of power states around 1600 was one of the early modern “key problems in world history”. And it argues that the role of the Dutch republic within that process is of relevance for a deeper understanding of the diplomatic and military conflicts of the period as well as for an evaluation of the preconditions of peace and of the first political and legal order between the European power states. Dutch history is relevant in three distinct respects – firstly with regard to the specific policy of a republic among predominant royal actors; secondly with regard to the scope and limits of military power and violence enforced by a society allegedly liberal and tolerant; thirdly with regard to the specific contribution of Calvinism to foreign politics and international diplomacy as well as to its contribution to the fundamentalist interpretation of the state-conflicts of the epoch and the subsequent appeal to unlimited violence. – Complimentary to this relevance of the Dutch experience for global history, our topic is of a specific relevance for Dutch national history: It brings into focus again, that society and state of the early modern Dutch republic were by no means established by tolerance, conviviality and Calvinist piety only, but also by raison d’état policy and by a considerable amount of violence – exterior as well as interior. This interpretation was well established among political historians of former generations, but is somewhat marginalized by structural, social and cultural historians of the last and present generations.

The Power of Leonor Teles, Queen of Portugal (1372-1383)

Queen Leonor Teles was the wife of King Fernando of Portugal, who ruled between 1367/1383. When he died, in 22nd of October1383, she became Regent of the Kingdom, as the King had decided in his testament (1378) and in the marriage treaty of their daughter, Beatriz to King Juan I of Castela (1382/1383). Her Regency only wearied until January of 1384, when she renounced in favour to her son-in-law, Juan I of Castile. A few months after that date, King Juan I accused her of conspiring against him and obliged Queen Leonor Teles to leave the country and enter in the Tordesilhas monastery. She lived in Castile until the end of her days.
As Queen-consort, she had participated in her husband’s government in the domains of royal grace, international diplomacy and realm’s succession. The various donations that King Fernando has made with her, especially, to the higher nobility and the presence and the influence that Leonor Teles owned in the Beatriz’s marriage negotiations, as the treaties concerned can prove, show us a strong and different Medieval Queen. Besides that, Queen Leonor had an enormous quantity of lands offered by her husband, when they got married, in 1372. In those territories, the King gave her, for all of her life, supreme power, included death penalty, situation that was unique until that time: supreme justice was something which was considered as belonging to the strict King’s prerogatives and some Queen-consorts before Leonor Teles only got it in their lands, at least, for a very short time. We must also not forget that the donations that King Fernando made alone show us that Leonor Teles’s family was strongly beneficed. This fact agrees with the Fernão Lopes Chronicle’s idea, which defends that the Queen had built around her powerful customers, specially recruited in her family and friends. To understand her political role and the influence she had in her husband, we must not forget that for King Fernando she had the right of participate in political royal affairs, because he thought part of the Kingdom government belonged to her.
As Queen-consort, Leonor Teles favoured gently the clergy and the nobility, as we can see in the donations she made together with the King and in the administration of her own lands. On the contrary, as Regent, Leonor was much more sober with the gifts she gave. Her beneficiaries were essentially the lower nobility, the lower clergy and the merchant class. This change of recipients and the quality of mercies in her Regency is directly related with the insecurity that Leonor Teles felt and represented for the highest social classes, during the period of 1383-1385.
She died, in the exile, probably between 1390 and 1405/6. In 1626, her tomb was found, in the Monastery de La Merced, at Valladolid, when some reconstruction’s works were being made in the cluster, according to Antolínez de Burgos, a historical researcher of the seventeen-century.

An Ambitious Family: the House of Beja-Viseu and its Women

Queen Leonor (1458-1525) spent half of her life in a turmoil concerning her own family’s ambition to occupy the throne. Daughter of Fernando duke of Beja, second son of king D. Duarte, her father died qhen she was twelve, leaving an ambitious widow to raise eight children, Beatriz, duchess of Beja (†1506). Leonor, the eldest daughter, married her cousin João, soon to inherit the throne, and her younger sister Isabel the powerful duke of Braganza. The escalade of ambition continued until king João II murdered her brother duke of Viseu in 1484. In spite of this, her lineage continued to try to succeed in replacing the king, after her only son and heir to the throne Afonso died in a horse accident. The queen is said to have been the main responsible agent in João’s decision to leave the throne to her youngest brother Manuel (king 1495-1521).
This paper will try to analyse women’s agency through a joint analysis of the behaviour the various women in the family (Beatriz, and her daughters Leonor and Isabel) in order to further their family’s interests.

Un affaire politique. Le mariage du roi Manuel II et l'ambivalence des réseaux familiaux

Aussitôt qu’il arrive au pouvoir et malgré sa jeunesse, le roi D. Manuel II a eu besoin de prendre en charge « l’affaire » de son mariage. Devant une liste de princesses européennes appartenant à la parenté la plus proche, le premier choix s’est adressé vers une princesse anglaise et à forts liens familiaux avec la famille royale anglaise. Les intérêts politiques se superposaient à quelques d’autres raisons. Nonobstant l’engagement de Edouard VII dans « l’affaire », les plus intimes espoirs du roi et surtout des monarchistes portugais ont échoué à cause de la situation politique et de la très grave crise qu’on vivait au Portugal á cette époque-là.
Devant l’échec anglais, «l’affaire» est reprise étant été pressés tous les autres réseaux familiaux de la famille royale portugaise. Cependant, à partir de 1910, le départ en exil est rendu «l’affaire» chaque fois plus difficile. C’est seulement en 1913 que «l’affaire» a trouvé une solution acceptable, grâce au choix d’une princesse de la maison Hohenzollern, famille avec laquelle les rois portugais avaient une tradition de mariages et en conséquence des étroits liens familiaux existaient entre les deux familles, depuis le début du XIXe siécle.

Les "Linge" au coeur des stratégies politiques dans l'histoire des sociétés wolof du sénégal.

La communication vise à analyser et à mettre en relief l'action de quelques reines de l'espace politique wolof du sénégal d'avant la colonisation pour montrer qu'en fait, contrairement à une opinion répandue les femmes n'ont pas toujours occupé la périphérie en matière d'initiative et d'élaboration de stratégies au sein des formations sociales et politiques auxquelles elles appartenaient.

Maria Pia de Savoie (1847-1911), reine du Portugal

Maria Pia de Savoie, née en 1847, décédée en 1911, était fille de Victor-Emmanuel II d’Italie et d’Adélaïde de Habsbourg-Lorraine. En 1862, elle s’est mariée avec Louis Ier du Portugal, devenant reine à quinze ans. Les raisons d’Etat ont déterminé ce mariage (trop précoce déjà pour l’époque) et cette étrange alliance, si l’on considère les pratiques matrimoniales de la maison royale portugaise. Les secteurs sociaux portugais plus progressistes s’en sont, pourtant, réjouis, puisqu’elle était la fille du libérateur d’Italie, de l’opposant du Catholicisme radical de Rome.
Ayant ce contexte comme point de départ, cette intervention essaiera de poser certaines questions et d’en proposer des réponses: quel rôle a joué cette femme pendant le royaume de son mari (1861-1889), de son fils (1889-1908) et de son arrière-fils (1908-1910)? A-t-elle été une dame futile, presque une consommatrice compulsive, ignorant les graves questions politiques et sociales de son pays d’adoption, comme on la décrit souvent? A-t-elle influencé, de quelque sorte, les relations établies entre le Portugal et l’Italie? A-t-elle soutenu le choix de son frère Amadeo lorsqu’il a accepté la couronne espagnole, en 1870, alors que son mari et son beau-père l’avait refusée? Peut-on la décrire (au moins partiellement) comme responsable de l’impopularité de la famille royale portugaise, ce qui a abouti à l’assassinat de son fils, le roi Charles Ier en 1908, et à la chute de la monarchie portugaise, en 1910? Bref, Maria Pia a été une quasi-réplique de Marie-Antoinette?

Les Reines Rafohy et Rangita , fondatrices de la loi de succession au trône de la royauté merina (Madagascar) au XVIe siècle

Rafohy et Rangita furent la principale souche originelle des différentes dynasties qui se succédèrent au trône de l' Imerina ,région des Hautes-Terres de Madagascar au XVIe siècle .

Leur règne marque le point de départ d'un certain nombre de principes , de rites et de systèmes organisationnels qui , tout en subissant un certain nombre de transformations dues à l'évolution des conditions socio-économiques , politiques et culturelles tout au long de l'histoire de Madagascar , avaient servi de fondations à la royauté malgache et avaient été appliqués et respectés dans leur esprit et leurs grandes lignes par la plupart des souverains (MPANJAKA).Parmi ces principes et rites fondateurs ,le plus grand héritage qu'elles ont laissé est celui du DROIT DE SUCCESSION AU TRONE qui comporte pour l'essentiel six grands principes.

-Le premier principe est celui de l'unité et de l'intégrité territoriale du royaume:"MANJAKA TOKANA".Ce principe fut difficile à appliquer car il fut à l'origine de nombreux assassinats
politiques .
-Le second principe est une conséquence directe du premier :celui de la succession arrangée par la désignation à deux degrés des successeurs ,"FANJAKANA ARINDRA".
-Le troisième est celui de l'identité du sang des successeurs pour la continuité et la légitimité d'une dynastie royale héréditaire:"MANDOVA FANJAKANA ,LOVA TSY MIFINDRA ".
-Le quatrième principe est la transmission utérine du pouvoir.
-Le cinquième :le droit d'ainesse assorti de restrictions.
-Le dernier principe :le renforcement du pouvoir masculin par le statut de la Femme.

Parmi ces principes ,la transmission utérine du pouvoir étroitement liée au principe de l'identité et de la pureté du sang constituent les deux piliers (ANDRY) centraux de la monarchie(FANJAKAN'ANDRIANA) parce qu'ils sont la base du nouvel ordre politique et social de la société établie progressivement pendant les trois siècles suivants (XVIIe-XVIIIe-XIX e siècles)

Revisiting Philippa of Lancaster, Queen of Portugal

The one and only Queen of Portugal of English origin was always portrayed by the historians as a competent mother, who was able to bread six high educated children, and also been able to teach them moral and religious values that they made use of all their lives. Her role as a Queen with political and diplomatic power, her capacity to administrate her own household and estate, were competences that few were curious to acknowledge. At the end of a deep research on the life and times of Philippa of Lancaster, I think that the time has come to show how some women had a very smooth way of exerting power and leave their specific mark in their society.

Globalising the French Revolution

With the end of debates over the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution, the most promising new turn in studies is the global one. Recent research on Saint Domingue and slavery has renewed interest in events in the colonies and the importance of the triangular trade, but even more global factors need to be considered as well. These range from the effects of global competition on the monarchy's finances before 1789 to the consequences of fighting on an increasingly global stage for the Directorial and Bonapartist regimes. Most intriguing and difficult to ascertain is the influence of global factors (international political figures, foreign financiers, the "plot of the foreigners") on the internal mechanisms of the revolution within France.

Le Grand Océan à l'épreuve de la Grande Révolution: la Polynésie et la Révolution française

Du point de vue historique comme du point de vue historiographique, il s'agit à la fois d'un défi à relever et d'un paradoxe à soutenir: alors qu'à l'extrême fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle, les relations entre l'Europe et cette partie de la zone Pacifique sont ténues et périlleuses, il est impossible de mettre celle-ci complètement à l'écart de l'onde de choc de la Révolution française: d'une part parce que -c'est connu- le fait polynésien, ou plus exactement tahitien, est une composante de l'idéologie contemporaine; d'autre part, parce que, curieusement,en créant une certaine situation de vide dans cette région du monde, les événements français ont contribué à la transformer radicalement et définitivement socialement, culturellement et économiquement.

La Révolution Française dans une histoire globale du 18e siècle

La discussion sur le cycle de révolutions atlantiques ou bien sur un contexte globale pour un « Age of Revolutions » invite à repenser pas seulement la période révolutionnaire courte (entre Etats Généraux et Brumaire) mais de la situer dans une perspective de transformation et de « crise mondiale » plus longue et moins franco-centrée. Les concepts d’histoire globale en débat depuis les années 1990 focalisent beaucoup plus sur la comparaison des grandes civilisations ou des empires que de proposer une place à la révolution de 1789 dans les narratives nouvelles, mais à l’autre côté l’historiographie révolutionnaire à développé les dernières années des approches promettant une relecture de la révolution. La contribution cherche à trouver des pistes pour réconcilier les deux débats.

La Révolution Française et la Méditerrannée. Perspectives transnationales

L’objet fondamental de notre travail porte sur la France révolutionnaire et la relation aux peuples étrangers. Cette question a fait l’objet de recherches éminentes dans le cadre de la Grande Nation et du monde atlantique. Dans cette perspective, l’aire arabo-musulmane a très peu bénéficié des derniers renouvellements méthodologiques que connaît aujourd’hui l’histoire de la Révolution française dans sa relation au peuples. Dans le cas des peuples situés à la périphérie de l’Europe, en l’occurrence le monde ottoman non-européen, la relation à la Révolution française n’a été envisagée que de manière différée ; au mieux, l’épisode de l’expédition d’Egypte est retenu comme une manifestation de rejet des principes universels proclamés par la Révolution. Paradoxalement, la Méditerranée et la Turquie étaient au centre de l’ordre européen et des préoccupations de la France au cours de cette période de la fin du XVIII e s. Dépassant alors le cadre restreint et hypothétique de l’impact et de la diffusion des idéaux, il y a lieu de saisir des répercussions immédiates de la Révolution française sur le monde musulman méditerranéen dont l’élucidation emprunte des voies diverses et convergentes. Dans le cadre de ce travail que nous proposons, il s’agit de prêter davantage attention à l’étude des matières concrètes et des pratiques au quotidien. Mis directement ou indirectement aux contacts d’une nouvelle organisation et d’une nouvelle législation révolutionnaires, le monde musulman méditerranéen a été amené à s’adapter à des degrés divers et de différentes manières, au nouveau système.
En même temps, de son côté et face à des situations de contingence, la France révolutionnaire a du développer entre autres la conception et la mise en place de pratiques diplomatiques qui tiennent compte des spécificités culturelles de l’Autre non européen, ce qui a permis, malgré le paradoxe des systèmes d’organisation, le maintien du lien inter-national et une continuité diplomatique tout au long de la période révolutionnaire et impériale dans cet espace de partage qu’est la Méditerranée… La période révolutionnaire devrait normalement marquer - et comme l’aurait préconiser Jacques Godechot - le moment de l’intégration du monde musulman dans un nouveau système mondialisé, aujourd’hui encore toujours en instance.
Cette tentative de décentrement des recherches autour de l’histoire de la Révolution française par l’élargissement de l’étude des relations de la France révolutionnaire aux peuples non-européens, nous offrirait la possibilité d’étudier ces relations dans le sens d’une interculturalité - insoupçonnée - entre deux aires culturelles marquées plus que jamais au cours de cette période particulière par des systèmes d’organisation opposés mais aussi par une communication ininterrompue. Dès lors et du côté de l’histoire du monde musulman méditerranéen comment définir, comprendre et situer les points de transition, de rupture, d’échec, de rejet par rapport à un ancrage possible dans une nouvelle phase historique - la modernité - et par rapport à des valeurs reconnues universelles… ?
En même temps, quel sens donné au projet méditerranéen de la République qui pourrait expliquer le retournement du monde musulman à l’égard de ces valeurs universelles ?
La mobilisation d’un corpus très dense de correspondances consulaires et diplomatiques - mais aussi de récits de voyages, relations d’ambassade… - dans le sens d’une relecture et à la lumière d’un renouvellement des questionnements et des méthodes d’approche, devrait permettre d’aborder cette question de la relation entre les peuples à ce tournant marquant de la Révolution française, sous un angle interprétatif nouveau qui pourrait mieux aider à dissiper les malentendus et les incompréhensions du moment entre les deux aires culturelles.

Miranda and the relation between the revolutionary Europe and Latin America

The transport business and early migration policies: The visible hand of shipping interests in American immigration laws 1882-1914

During the Progressive Era bills containing a literacy test passed one of the houses of Congress seventeen times without being enacted. In the meantime approximately 17 million migrants, an increasing part coming from eastern and southern Europe landed in the US. Scholars have denoted the shifting interests creating strange bedfellow-coalitions opposing the passage of these bills. Yet the role of multi-national shipping companies drawing the biggest part of their revenues out of the transport of migrants remains unexplored. This paper argues that the shipping lobby was the driving force behind these coalitions. Through lobbyists at Washington they obtained support of Congressmen from various parts of the country throughout the period and mobilized the associations representing the various ethnic groups to voice their protests. By keeping open the gates ‘in-betweens’ who never lost their ‘white on arrival’ voting privileges increased their political influence. At Ellis Island selections based on various degrees of whiteness criteria gained ground yet again shipping companies limited their impact. This analysis of shipping companies as middlemen between the individual migrant and the State aims to reassess the influence of business interests on migration flows in a period during which the cornerstones of our present-day immigrant control system were being laid.

Merchant Seafarers and Their Homes in the Twentieth Century: a Study Drawing on British Sources

Often missing from discussions of merchant seafaring is any consideration that seafarers had relatives and family homes ashore to which they might be expected to relate between voyages. By the twentieth century, increasing bureauocracy demanded addresses as part of identity. Factors of earlier periods which could operate against home contact, such as internal transport and literacy, became less significant. Biographical and autobiographical writing and interview surveys with seafarers offer limited insights as such records are mostly concerned with sea life experience. From the 1840s crew agreements recorded places of birth of all seafarers regardless of port in which a ship was joined, and from 1851 (mates and masters), and 1862 (engineers) certificate of competency documentation demanded addresses. However in the mid 1890s revised agreement forms provided for current addresses of all seafarers, and the many that survive offer an opportunity to examine th correlation between places of birth and later home locations. This study will examine the factors operating for and against th maintenance of regular relationships between seafarers and their homes drawing on literary references, and with reference to particular ranks aboard foreign-going merchant ships, and the social influences in ships and in port districts. The contextual discussion will briefly touch upon seafarer interaction with maritime organizations ashore, which have been addressed by the autho in recent studies. For one rating only, able seamen in power-driven vessels, and through selected years between the 1890s and the 1970s, the study will analyse crew agreement entries in a search for additional insights.

Where was sailortown? Re-thinking urban histories and cultural geographies

One of the oldest and most influential genres of urban description relies on exaggerated discontinuities, reducing the city to a series of opposed or contrasted neighborhoods ranked according to the rigid dichotomy of “high” versus “low.” Such approaches to London typically relegate sailors to some peripheral region east of the Tower, as in Pierce Egan’s influential Life in London (1821). However, an examination of the Microcosm of London (1808) suggests a much more complicated spatial and cultural arrangement. Sailors, and sailortown, seem to have penetrated deep into the city center and the fashionable West End. I discuss the ways in which this is both manifested and concealed in the Microcosm (a collaboration between the French emgiré Auguste Pugin and the famous caricaturist Thomas Rowlandson) and place their panoramic views of London life in the larger context of new scholarship on the interface between maritime workers and urban history.

Shipping companies and their marketing strategies towards migrants, 1890-1918

From around 1890 to World War I, the transatlantic passenger business went through several structural changes. The early 1890s saw the advance of cross-border cartels that, in effect, divided the European migration market between the companies and created barriers of entry for new carriers, with Britain and Germany playing the leading role. This may partly explain why Norway, despite having among the largest merchant fleets in the world and being among the most important suppliers of migrants, did not get a permanent America line before the end of the period, in 1913.

The cartels did however not create a stable transatlantic passenger business. Distrust and breaches of agreements caused several “rate wars”, the most significant being the “Atlantic Rate War” of 1904-05. During World War I, all agreements dissolved, creating new business opportunities for other companies.

The focus of this paper will be on Scandinavia, and explore how the structural changes and external factors within the transatlantic passenger business were reflected in and effected marketing strategies towards emigrants in the above period. Scandinavia is a special case for several reasons. Until World War I, the Scandinavian migration market belonged to British companies. During World War I, the passenger business was severely disrupted and – apart from the Holland-American Line – only the three Scandinavian American lines could advertise that they departed from “neutral ports”.

Haven in a heartless sea: sailors' taverns in history and anthropology

This paper focuses on the boardinghouse-taverns once providing board, room and other services for merchant sailors ashore in the major seaports of the world. It opens with a summary of accounts of sailors' taverns found in popular histories, tourist guides, newspapers, fiction, theater pieces, autobiographies, missionary tracts and social historical writings. It concludes with an ethnographic framing drawing upon the author's experiences as a merchant seaman and his later participant observational research as a cultural anthropologist.

World Orders in Global History

The Place of Culture in Global History

The Japanese building of the Thai-Burma railway; the perspective from Thailand

During the Second World War Thailand’s relationship with the Japanese was governed by a military alliance signed on 21 December 1941. However as the war progressed and Japan stationed some 150,000 troops on Thai soil, the relationship acquired some of the qualities of an occupation, with Thailand being treated more as a conquered territory than as an ally. Illustrative of this difficult relationship was the building of the railway between Thailand and Burma from 1942-43. Some 60 000 Allied prisoners of war and over a quarter of a million Asian labourers were conscripted to work on the railway, of whom more than 12 000 prisoners and perhaps 90 000 Asians died. Some 2.3 per cent of the Asian workforce was Thai, and the construction of the railway was pursued in the face of official Thai opposition and some local resistance. In 1944-45 the Thai population in the Kanchanaburi province was exposed to Allied bombing of the completed bridge over the River Kwai. In Western memory the Thai-Burma railway has been dominated by the experience of Allied prisoners of war, mythologized in the 1957 David Lean film. This paper examines the nature of the much lesser known Thai experience of the building the railway and how this has been represented in later Thai memory.

"Mobilizing" Metal in Wartime France: Economic collaboration and everyday life

This conference paper explores a crucial aspect of twentieth century total warfare: the mobilization of economic resources through the voluntary participation of civilians. From 1939 to 1945, the successive French governments of the Third Republic, Vichy, and the Fourth Republic carried out a series of scrap metal salvage drives in the name of the French nation. They supported these drives with intense propaganda campaigns that included posters, newspaper articles and editorials, speeches, newsreels, radio spots, and humorous cartoons. As measured by kilograms of metal collected per person, some of the drives were successful, some were not. An analysis of the relationship between the propaganda for these scrap metal drives and their relative success will underscore the mechanisms used in wartime France-—before, during, and after the occupation—-to elicit the “voluntary” participation of French civilians in the war effort.

Le sud de la France sous l’occupation italienne de 1940 à 1943

L’occupation italienne dans le Sud de la France débute dès la signature de la convention d’armistice entre la France et l’Italie, le 25 juin 1940. Elle se termine le 20 septembre 1943, suite à la chute du gouvernement fasciste le 25 juillet 1943 et à la capitulation italienne face aux Alliés le 8 septembre 1943.

D’une part, durant cette période, aucun contact politique direct n’a réellement lieu entre les deux pays. Les relations franco-italiennes de 1940 à 1943 se déroulent donc essentiellement dans le cadre du régime d’armistice et la voie de la collaboration n’est en fait envisagée qu’à partir de l’été 1941 mais elle se fait surtout en réaction par rapport à la politique de l’allié allemand.
D’autre part, l’occupation italienne du sud français permet d’aborder les questions d’exercice de l’autorité et de la souveraineté sur les territoires concernés. Quoique l’armistice franco-italien ne contienne pas le terme « occupation », l’administration française se heurte continuellement aux autorités d’armistice, militaires et civiles, italiennes qui entendent exercer les droits de la puissance occupante et remettre en cause la souveraineté française. Cet aspect de la question permet d’ailleurs d’aborder la question des Juifs. L’historiographie met l’accent sur le fait que les Juifs ont, dans une certaine mesure, été protégés par les Italiens.
Enfin, l’occupation de certains territoires laisse supposer une annexion possible et même probable de ces territoires par l’Italie. Si Mussolini semble avoir renoncé à revendiquer la Savoie, les tentatives d’annexion sur Menton et surtout sur Nice, même si elles ne sont pas toujours l’œuvre des instances gouvernementales italiennes, sont bien perceptibles pendant cette période.

L’objectif de la communication est de voir comment une occupation, apparemment mineure mais aux enjeux multiples, a marqué le territoire français et les populations qui y demeuraient durant ces trois années, s’inscrivant dans un contexte international – la Seconde Guerre mondiale – et un contexte stratégique et idéologique – une occupation-annexion par les troupes d’un Etat fasciste – particuliers, soulevant de nombreux problèmes de souveraineté entre l’Italie et la France et entraînant différents types de résistance.

The Origin of the Cold War and Hungary from 1947-1948

The auther investigates the Origin of the Cold War from 1947-1949 by the viepoint of the Hugary.
The origin of the Cold War was mainly analyzed from 5-6points.
However the 20th anniversary of the End of the Cold War in 1989 changed the situation. The new dokuments was published by turnes, translated in English, and Wilson Center(Cold War Center and Library) contributed much for spread the newest document and now many scholars easily access to these documents. The author shows the analysis of the new documents and article in Hungary.

Labor Mobilization under Occupation Regimes: The Imaginary of Compulsory Labor Service in Late Colonial Korea

The forced labor mobilization under the Japanese occupation of Korea began with the implementation of the National Mobilization Law in 1938 and took place in several stages that gradually increased in the level of coercion. It is at this point that Nazi Germany provided an important inspiration for Japanese who hailed the Nazi system of regimented apprentice-training and labor-service programs. The notion that the state should actively intervene in the labor market by mobilizing and training laborers for national service was not entirely new to colonial Korea, but the system would be deployed on a wide scale as the war intensified. The colonial state established labor centers where colonial officials pressured young Korean men to enlist for work service. Companies were also allowed to recruit Korean workers directly by sending their hiring agents to various parts of Korea. At first the labor mobilization relied on mostly “voluntary” methods of recruitment. As a precursor to the full military draft of Korean soldiers, the colonial authorities established hundreds of work training camps, often on elementary school campuses. Eventually, when the military draft became expanded to include Koreans in June 1944, the labor mobilization became a part of the military conscription system. This presentation will examine the conscription of labor in late colonial Korea and examine the various methods of mobilizing media and propaganda to achieve the “self-mobilization” of Koreans for compulsory labor service under their rule.

Living between coercive collaboration and resistance: The Overseas Chinese community in Malaya and Singapore under the rising sun

Conference of the International Committee for the History of the Second World War, Amsterdam (August 2010): The experience of occupation, 1931-1949. Comparative Perspectives on the Asian and European Theatres of War.

Abstract by Takuma Melber:
Living between coercive collaboration and resistance: The Overseas Chinese community in Malaya and Singapore under the rising sun

At the time when the British and Australian defenders of Malaya and Singapore surrendered in Singapore on February 15th 1942, the Japanese occupiers promptly began to take control of the Malayan peninsula and the Southeast Asian metropolis Singapore. To pacify the new occupied zone the Japanese forces took drastic action immediately against the Overseas Chinese community, which had already in the pre-occupation period declared solidarity with the mother country and their anti-Japanese sentiment: So first of all the Japanese military took a radical measure, the so-called Sook Ching. Under the slogan “purge through purification” the Japanese massacred - first in Singapore, then all over the Malayan peninsula - many Overseas Chinese. According to Chinese estimations up to 50 000 Overseas Chinese were killed solely in Singapore. Even if an exact number of casualties will never be known the Sook Ching was clearly a violation of human rights.
Furthermore the Japanese occupying forces took more steps - especially in the first weeks of the occupation period, but also in the following time - to contain the surviving members of the Overseas Chinese community.
Despite the Japanese measures of pacification and control the Overseas Chinese succeeded in originating the Malayan People´s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), the most significant military resistance movement and from the first to the last day of occupation worst enemy of the Japanese in Malaya.
Therefore the Overseas Chinese were be faced on the one hand with an installed system of control mechanisms and coercive collaboration, on the other hand with the military MPAJA-resistance.
The lecture presents some of the Japanese measures against the Overseas Chinese community and tries with the aid of selected examples to give an idea of the everyday life of the Overseas Chinese community in Malaya and Singapore under the rising sun.

Internal Peripheries and Paths of Social Policy in 20th Century Europe

The Developmental Imagination in India

There is a history to conceptions of 'development' that is larger than the set of Cold War-related concerns to which they are usually reduced. In particular, these concerns relate to aspirations of modelling and moulding societies in accordance with images of a desirable future, which tend to be far larger aspirations than 'economic development'. This paper traces these larger concerns in relation to India, at the end of empire, and into the first decades of the 'developmental state' in India. It builds on work done by the author in two earlier works on development and the 'Nehruvian state' in India, and connects development to ideas of socialism, science, national discipline and indigenism that informed them. In so doing, it begins to ask whether a legitimating vocabulary that is shared among an international community of users is in fact legitimating because it hides important divergences by using the same terms to mean very different things.

European national museums: Identity politics, the uses of the past and the European citizen

National museums are authoritative spaces for display and negotiation of community and citizenship. Through collecting and creating repositories of scientific, historic and aesthetic objects choices are made that protect and narrate ideas of virtues, unicity and place in the wider world. Explicitly and implicitly territorial identities are negotiated and related both to ideas in the tradition of universalistic enlightenment and through its selection and narration presenting formative ideas of who belongs to what political and cultural entity, why and with what consequences. This is done by negotiating different claims on what citizenship means, the relationship with competing political projects on sub-national and supra-national levels, and by calling on universalistic values and virtues as basis of claimed unicity and value of community, belonging and pride. Comparative results from large research project will be presented.

History Writing and National Identity Formation

This paper will look at the interrelationship between historical writing and national identity formation in Europe.

Hegemonic memory through parliamentary decision: the case of the Belgian Lumumba-commission.

In a context where almost everybody (at least rhetorically) supports the political values of truth and transparency, where many claim to speak in name of voiceless victims of the present and the past, and where the articulation of counter-hegemonic memories has become a central stake in major political conflicts, it no longer seems possible to create consensus over national histories by simply leaving out reference to the more sensitive parts of the past. Still, the construction of canonical national histories and the creation of consensus around the past today remains of great importance to the project of nation-building. One interesting attempt to deal with this problem is to be situated in the creation of parliamentary commissions of inquiry where consensus on contested pasts is literally created through formal democratic procedures. In my paper I will focus on one such a parliamentary commission – the Belgian commission that had to investigate the Belgian responsibility in the murder in 1961 of the Congolese prime minister Patrice Lumumba – and analyze how it attempted to produce a hegemonic memory. The Lumumba-commission was established in the spring of 2000 in direct reaction to the publication of the book “the murder of Lumumba” by the sociologist Ludo De Witte and had to help the Belgian population once and for all to turn this ‘black page’ in its history. It is hard to assess whether or not the commission succeeded in its intent, but its existence raises some fundamental questions, such as: what happens to history when it is subjected to democratic procedures and voted upon? And: what kind of memories and histories fit to become hegemonic or consensual? In order to put the case of the Lumumba-commission into a broader perspective I will compare it to some larger scale commissions of inquiry such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa and the TRC in Sierra Leone.

Fashioning Legacy in South Africa: Power, Pasts, and the Promotion of Social Cohesion

South Africa has received praise from around the world for the way in which it has dealt with its oppressive past. Its post-apartheid governments have insisted on the making of a future through intense engagement with memory of the colonial and apartheid eras. Memory work has ranged from the endeavour of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to the flowering of new museums and archives, from the investigations underpinning the land restitution process to the writing of new histories for schoolchildren, from the research supporting special pensions and the location of missing persons to the use of freedom of information instruments by civil society.
The paper explores the proposition that it is time to ask searching questions of this post-apartheid memory work. How effective has it been? Is the assumption of exemplary status for South Africa in dealing with its oppressive past justified? Has the springboard constituted by the TRC been utilised adequately by structures of the state and of civil society? There are signs that the work of reconciliation in South Africa has only just started. Old social fissures remain resilient. New ones are appearing. Social cohesion is proving elusive. Could it be that South Africa’s post-apartheid memory work has been too superficial? And that the really difficult memory work remains to be done?
The seal of the South African Constitutional Court is the representation of a tree with people clustered under it, rather than the more commonly used symbols of a set of scales or the figure of blind justice. The matter of what truly, actually, happened in precolonial indigenous courts of long ago is a matter for truth-seeking historians. Some will find evidence of such courts as fields for the manipulative operation of royal or chiefly power, others may find proof of instances of genuine community participation (just as historians could find historical evidence of both well-weighed evidence and of power tipping the scales).
However, the role of this idea of justice can be evaluated differently, according to criteria of authenticity. Public participative justice, inspired by memory, rather than an historical or legal truth, may be accepted as an appropriate vision of justice –as authentic- not because it conforms to the received wisdom about tradition (the grounds on which some support the recognition of traditional law and custom), but because its drives and origins are understandable and worthy of approval. Its authenticity however, can only be established through dialogue about its nature. In this case the nature of the logo is its assertion of an ideal of participative justice. Authenticity then is a contemporary ideal.
The crisis around truth, and the emerging possibilities of authenticity, proposes a modification of how we approach and understand memory. What is the meaning of memory for the establishment of authenticity? What is the meaning of historical truth for the establishment of authenticity? These questions, and their implications, are the core of the proposed paper.

From Holokaust to Inglourious Basterds: Holocaust Memory between Transnational Entertainment and National Resurgence in Germany and the US

It is easy to find fault with mainstream films and documentaries about Nazism and the Holocaust which have been part of a successful transatlantic memory exchange during the last two decades. German commercial and non-commercial media products have cast a mournful, aestheticizing gaze over the trappings of Nazi power thus rendering the evil empire curiously ambivalent and attractive. The aestheticization of the Third Reich features an amiable collage of eyewitnesses whose emotional testimony attests to the burden of the past without bothering to raise questions about the historical causes of genocide or sort out victims and perpetrators. TV executives distribute this generous media package at home and abroad with a considerable sense of national pride about Germany’s exemplary, self-reflexive historical culture.
In the commercially driven US media landscape, Holocaust subject matter has been seamlessly integrated into a flood of trauma kitsch ranging from afternoon talk shows to highbrow feature films. The formulaic, ritualized celebrations of survivorship turn Jewish Holocaust eyewitnesses into yet another type of media heroes who thrive on adversity. The romantic emplotments and accompanying psycho-babble systematically derail any serious reflections about the causes of all that human misery which offers so many people an opportunity to hone their survival skills. In the US, the Holocaust has thus become the measuring stick of an ideologically structured historical consciousness that, through instant historicization, transforms troublesome criminal culpability in times of war into morally acceptable collateral damage.
Apparently, the Holocaust forms part of different, yet compatible memory comfort zones on both sides of the Atlantic. Hence the successful and lucrative exchange of media products for Cineplex and History Channel distribution. But then comes along a transnational media event like Inglourious Basterds replete with likeable Nazis, Jewish juvenile orgies of revenge, and other role reversals. Especially on a visual level, the film calls into question the cozy memory products we know so well. Can mainstream Holocaust representation undergo a radical moral face-lift comparable to the memory revolution that marked the invention of the paradigm in the 1970s?

Across the street and through the continents: towns and communication in local and global perspective

Communication is a fundamental function in the history of towns and indeed in the process of urbanization itself. Internal movements of messages, goods and people, as well as contacts with the hinterland and the wider world, are crucial prerequisites of towns and urban life, in any period and every society that has had its urban elements. The different lines and modes of communication – by road, water, rail and air – have and have had significant consequences for the site selection, layout, built form, and internal traffic in each town. Transport has been and is a crucial variable in the urban economy, and has also had a strong influence on the social formation of towns. This is why the International Commission for the History of Towns (CIHV) had decided to address the theme of towns and communication in the framework of a three-year cycle of annual conferences. Instead of dividing the theme by periods, or geographical regions, it was decided to take up one aspect of the topic at each conference: Internal communication in towns in Zagreb in September 2006, Communications between towns, and between towns and their hinterlands in London in July 2007, and Towns and long-distance and inter-continental communication in Lecce in September 2008. Our present paper provides an overview of the most relevant research agendas and new insights that the papers at these conferences brought to the centre of our attention.

Metropolitan communications and the experience of urban form: London, Paris, and the city railway

Numerous visions, ideas, and discourses on transport and reform had been articulated by the time the Metropolitan Railway opened its first section in 1863 in London. Since their early inception, plans for the Metropolitan and other lines in London and Paris were not only determined by the benefits that railways represented when compared with other means of transport, but also by how a multiplicity of voices reacted to and, in fact, resisted the implementation of railway lines within the city limits. Two distinct and, at times, opposing constructs were central to this process: on the one hand, the city and, on the other, the railway. The term ‘city railway’ reflects, in this sense, a position that incorporates the tensions and conflicts which emerged from the question of whether and how to take trains underneath the streets of the English and French capitals. ‘City’ and ‘railway’ were constructs with numerous and varied nuances, the conjunction of which was condition to the speculative thinking and the later implementation of the projects meant to respond, among others, the issue of severe street congestion. It is the relationship between these two constructs what I think became most constitutive of the way in which the system was conceived and evolved during the nineteenth century.

Medieval Urban Literacy

An important topic in recent research on medieval literacy is the growth of the so-called literate mentalities. In the Middle Ages, in towns one seems to have had more chance of being confronted with writing than elsewhere. The readiness on the part of town dwellers to engage in the use of written documents can be considered as an important sign of changes in thinking and the perception of the world. This urban use of written modes of communication needs to be studied in the context of all modes of communication available to town dwellers. Research on medieval urban literacy so far has concentrated on particular towns or urbanized areas. The present project aims at forming an international network to study the phenomena of literacy and the development of towns from a pan-European perspective, in which both western, Byzantine and Islamic urban societies are taken into account. This comparative approach will lead to an appreciation both of the role of the use of writing in medieval urbanization and, conversely, to a new understanding of the role of towns in the development of European literacy as such.

Town streets in the Romanian Principalities. The long road from wood to stone (17th – 19th centuries)

The same as other towns of Medieval Europe, inner town communications in the Romanian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia stood for a significant element in the development of urban centers in Romanian-inhabited areas as well. Roads did not only allow for the carrying of news and military operations; they also represented trade routes, whereby merchants could carry their merchandise and their money. In most of the towns of Moldova and Wallachia, communication routes were under the joint supervision of town administration and royal representatives. The public road network in towns was irregular, and had developed over time, as towns had followed a gradual, unchecked pattern of expansion. A peculiar feature in many of the indicated towns were the so-called “planked streets” that had been built over the roads; these were made of boards of wood secured in such a way as to create a type of even floor, that was designed to ease passage of vehicles. This had been noticed by a large number of foreign travelers, missionaries, businessmen or diplomats that had made their way through the area. In the 19th century, the first streets paved with stone were built in the Romanian Principalities. In the second part of our paper, we will focus on the difficulties (technical, local mentality) faced by the constructors of these streets.

Performative Literary Culture and Public Knowledge

This paper will discuss the often ignored fact that the rise of the printing press was directly linked in time and space with the rise of performative literary culture and visual culture in the core urbanized areas of Western Europe. It has of course often been pointed out that the creation, circulation and public adaptation of knowledge became linked to the public sphere of civic networks and institutions. However, the role of the networks and institutions of performed literature (theatre plays, but also poems, songs, and other scripted performances) in the exchange of knowledge and learning in wider audiences has received limited interest from historians. This is due to the fact that this culture and its festive and burlesque features was often perceived as folky in nature. Work by historians, art historians and literary historians is seriously challenging these boundaries between 'popular' and 'learned' culture. This paper addresses the changes in our view of the circulation of knowledge that are caused by these recent developments.

L'académie équestre de besançon au XVII et XVIIIème siècle: transmetteur européen de la culture équestre.

Amsterdam, 2010 : la ville, centre du savoir et de la communication.


L’académie équestre de Besançon au XVIIème et XVIIIème siècle : transmetteur européen de la culture équestre.

Au XVIIème et XVIIIème siècle, l’académie équestre de Besançon, est un des hauts-lieux privilégiés en Europe de la transmission de la culture équestre. Cette institution s’inscrit dans le « kavaliertour » de la jeune noblesse allemande. C’est une des raisons qui a poussé la ville à favoriser un tel établissement. Elle recherche les protections impériales et royales pour maintenir son rang. L’académie équestre est vitale pour le rayonnement de la ville à l’étranger et notamment dans les cours européennes.

Au moment de la conquête française, dans l’acte de capitulation de la ville, Louis XIV accorde à la ville le privilège de conserver son académie, véritable fleuron, jalousé par les autres villes de la Comté. Le changement de souverain n’affecte pas l’établissement. Celui-ci, par le renom de ses écuyers poursuit la diffusion de la culture équestre au service de la jeunesse noble de la ville, de la province ainsi qu’à celui des jeunesses nobles de toute l’Europe.

L’académie, intégrée au réseau des prestigieuses académies européennes, doit son rayonnement à l’activité de ses écuyers qui ont à cœur de faire connaître leur établissement. Les responsables de la ville savent aussi que l’aspect mercantile n’est pas à dédaigner dans les affaires de ses citoyens.

Heritage education and history teaching: a present challenge

The word “heritage” has a connotation of presentism, commercialism and propaganda for group identities, whereas “disciplinary history” would be focused on analysis, contextualization and a sense of historical truth. The Dutch research-project Heritage Education, Plurality of Narratives and Shared Historical Knowledge investigates whether in the practice of teaching a more nuanced or dynamic approach is possible, one that builds on the strength of both sides of this supposed dichotomy. How would dynamic approaches look like in the context of multicultural classrooms? In this paper we report about the preliminary findings of this project from a teacher perspective. In research literature teachers are seen ‘curriculum makers’ par excellence, so it makes sense to investigate which concepts they use and how they evaluate current heritage practices on the themes we focus on in the project: Christianization, Black Slave Trade and World War II.

Between Facts and Opinions: An Exploration of Adolescents’ Ideas about the Nature of Historical Knowledge

In studying the past, students cannot but start from themselves and their present. This study, building upon educational psychological literature on epistemic beliefs and historical thinking and using qualitative methodologies, explores conceptions of historical knowledge that influence student understanding of the past. Twelve high-school students participated in two structured interviews during which they were asked to explain their degree of agreement or disagreement with a set of 22 statements exemplifying different epistemic positions theoretically deduced from the literature. They also read two sets of six texts regarding two specific historical issues and completed two parallel constructed response tasks while thinking aloud. Although students demonstrated interest in discussing epistemic issues, analysis of the findings identified several ideas that may hinder student historical understanding, such as equating the historian’s role to that of a chronicler and blurring the distinction between opinions and arguments based on evidence.

“History Isn’t History…” The Ways in Which Historians, History Programs and History Teachers Struggle with Interrelations Between Past and Present

This paper compares the relationship between past and present from three different perspectives on history: those of the historian, history programs and high school history teachers. The comparison emerges from an analysis of the epistemology of history, the goals and methods presented in official history programs in the province of Quebec and eighteen interviews with high school history teachers responsible for transmitting the latter. While the subjectivity of “present” or “current” time represents an obstacle and a challenge to the objectivity of historians, it offers history programs a base from which to study interrelations between the present and the past: the roots of present phenomena are usually examined in light of the past in order to understand the complexity of contemporary society. For history teachers, understanding present time is the goal of their teaching, however, they present this interrelation in a way which has more to do with a pedagogical strategy. Indeed, according to teachers, present time serves to give significance to knowledge about the past in a dialectic manner. In a way, the past becomes the mirror of present time. Obviously, there are differences between them, but it is rather the similarities that teachers use to help students understand interrelations between past and present.

Detach or Attach? The tension between past and present in contemporary history education in Belgium.

Contemporary society holds many expectations towards history education: it has to raise pupils to become tolerant, critical thinking citizens who can deal with the diversity of the multicultural society in a democratic way. These expectations are translated by the Belgian government into guidelines for the education of history. But this demand for social usefulness of history education and the explicit 'presentcenteredness' could easily obstruct the realization of other important goals of the teaching of history, mainly the ability to think historically. To achieve historical thinking, pupils need to be able to detach themselves from the present. They need to learn to understand the 'otherness' and 'strangeness' of the past. This demand for detachment can conflict with the social demand of attachment. History teachers do not always seem to be aware of this tension. This paper will focus on different forms of present- and pastcenteredness, and on their relationship with epistemological beliefs and teaching strategies of (future) history teachers. Firstly, I will elaborate on the research tools that have been developed to explore these relationships - namely a questionnaire and a set of performance tasks. Secondly, I will discuss the results of the research. And finally, I will elaborate on the usefulness and merits of this research for the teaching of history and more specifically for history teachers in secondary schools.

About the past, at present, for the future? Teacher students’ interpretations about the various functions of history as a school subject

The paper draws on essays written by 23 prospective history teachers, in which they reflected on the functions of history as a school subject and elaborated their personal philosophies for teaching history. They also described, how their own relation to history had developed, during school and university studies. The essays were analysed qualitatively, seeking different categories of beliefs about the role of history. Findings: history could be understood as direct information about the past, it could be given the role as related to citizenship education, or democratic education, but very often the student teachers underlined the training of historical thinking. They did not see these functions to exclude each other. The latter alternative included various approaches: historical empathy, critical analysis, and seeing the continuum and discontinuity between past and present. The interpretations were also classified according to Klafki’s theory into classical, objectivistic, formal and categorical forms.

A Forgotten Key Concept? Time in Teaching and Learning History

Time is the only concept that distinguishes history from (other) social and cultural sciences. Yet, there are not many studies in teaching and learning history that take time as their point of departure or pivotal concept. Historical thinking and reasoning is rarely defined as thinking in terms or historical time, but rather as a version of social research. This paper explores historical reasoning from the point of view of thinking in terms of historical time. Psychological and anthropological studies indicate that thinking in terms of historical time might be highly artificial and unnatural, which implies that it could present a considerable learning problem for students - a learning problem which is usually ignored. Options for empirical research are explored, around six central categories of thinking in historical time: the calendar, periodization, anachronism, contingency, generations and traces/documents.

Coolies and Capital

Ubiquitous and central to capitalism in most parts of the world and indeed constitutive of it, the ‘coolie’ represents perhaps the characteristic relationship between labour and capital outside a relatively small part of the West. As a labouring subject stabilized by coercive mechanisms that were produced and configured during the very decades of ‘slave emancipation’ and the emergence of a free-standing working class, the ‘coolie’ also interrupts liberal (and Marxian) narratives of progress from slavery to free labour. This paper explores how the availability of the ‘coolie’ as a generalizable labour form and relationship between capital and labour enables us to explore the contextual and contingent nature of the meanings and institutions of freedom in the market for wage labour, and by extension, freedom more generally.

The Indeterminacy of ‘Free Labour’ and the Return to Materialist Categories

My paper argues that the dichotomy between free and unfree labour is either a tautology (under most legal systems there are individuals who are either free or unfree) or a remarkably naïve reposing of faith in freedom of contract which is assumed to be a reality when it is in fact a transparent fiction, even more of one today than it was in the nineteenth century, as every good lawyer knows. For Marx, contracts between employers and workers were simply a ‘legal fiction’, and notions like ‘free labour’, ‘equality’, etc. symbolic of the abstractions of classical individualism. More illuminating than the contrast between free and unfree labour and its obvious potential for mystification would be a history of wage-labour itself, the ‘differences of form’ that Marx would doubtless have developed in his ‘special study of wage-labour’ (Capital, vol. 1, p. 683), but reconstructed historically, with a wealth of material that scarcely existed for him. Both the extent of wage-labour before capitalism and the brutality with which wage-labourers were treated under capitalism have been strangely underestimated by Marxists. These are issues that only historians can sort out properly but they will obviously have a major bearing on the future shape of historical materialism. As Karen Orren writes, ‘the institution of wage labor long preceded the emergence of capitalism in the seventeenth century’. The final part of the paper revisits Laclau’s critique of Frank and shows where the fallacy of that critique lies. The contrast between servile relations of production in the periphery and free labour in Europe was consistently overstated by Laclau and expanded into a contrariety between distinct economic régimes, thus missing the complexity of capital’s international relations of production. When Marx wrote that with the expansion of a world-market dominated by the capitalist mode of production, ‘the civilized horrors of over-work are grafted onto the barbaric horrors of slavery, serfdom, etc.’, he was half-suggesting that forms of exploitation that were typically precapitalist could be integrated into capitalism (the production and accumulation of surplus-value). The master & servant régimes of the nineteenth century are an obvious case of this, even if the more general point is one that lacks any explicit theorisation in Marxist theory (in contrast, say, to the way radical historians have now started constructing the trajectories of capitalism, as in William Dusinberre's micro-history of the South Carolina rice-plantations, Them Dark Days).

Unfree Labor and Emancipation: Comparative Reflections

In this paper I will draw on my book, _Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom_, and on my current research for a book on emancipation in Russia and the U. S. South, to offer some comparative reflections on unfree labor and its aftermath.

Russian serfdom in a global perspective, 17th-19th century

Since the 18th century at least, comparatives analysis about labor institutions and labor conditions in Russia have been made as if the boundary between free and unfree labour was a-historically and universally defined. Free labour in the “West” is thus opposed to serf labour in Russia and “Eastern Europe”. We are going to call this assertion into question and show that serfdom was never officially institutionalized in Russia and that the rules usually evoked to justify this argument actually aimed not to “bound” the peasantry but to identify noble estate owners.
However, it was not only a matter of legal definitions; we will also study the way tsarist administration, nobles and peasant themselves made use of legal courts in order to contest ownership titles and, on this ground, peasants’ and workers’ obligations and legal status. These outcomes are quite similar to those had been recently achieved “second serfdom” in Prussia, Lithuania an Poland .
In turn, this means that these labor contracts and institutions are not at the opposite range of so called “free labour” contracts and institutions that, quite the contrary, had much more contraints on woerkers than usually stated.

Atlantization and Deatlantization in times of the "Second Slavery" (19th century)

The paper describes the access (or the loss of access) to the Atlantic slave trade (and contraband trade) and the consequences for different slave societies of the Americas.

The Domestication of Early Canada: Encounters with Indians and Americans

This inquiry uses the text of Lady Simcoe's diaries of 1791-1796 as a model of cultural and personal discovery through travel to unknown lands. She came to Upper Canada from Britain in this period as the wife of the appointed Governor of the new English territory. Simcoe's diaries raise questions of the potential for the traveller to engage the natural environment and the otherness of strange peoples in a non-exploitative manner. They also take us on a journey exploring the social perceptions of the colonizer, international relations, and the culture of the colonized. The effectiveness of her mode will be queried in the paper.
Simcoe’s diaries are models of an attempt to achieve “authentic” relation to the otherness of place, nature and culture. She reports finding that her greatest fear as she explored the forests of this new land was that in these woods she might encounter Americans, not Indians. In fact she reports her admiration of the “superior air” and “impressive action” of the Indians, and she sought to learn as much as she could from them about the hunting of game and the use of plants as medicine.
Throughout the initial hardships of creating an English settlement in a harsh land, Simcoe had to balance her position as the wife of a head of state and had to maintain propriety appropriate to her position while finding the essence of this new land. She reveals to us a surprising model of motherhood, leaving most of her children behind in England as she undertook this task, losing one after a year in Canada, and taking another on arduous journeys through the new territory in spite of the child’s illness, hunger, and the chilling temperatures.
The diaries provide one version of a successful encounter with the novel and strange, and an image of encountering other without seeking its conquest.

Le Brésil vu par les français dans la littérature de voyage

Notre travail a pour but de présenter des réflexions sur la littérature de voyage de quelques Français, qui, venus au Brésil pendant la deuxième moitié du XVIIIème et la première du XIXème siècle, présentent, dans leurs écrits, différentes façons de regarder le peuple, la nature, les moeurs du pays visité, laissant, dans leurs journaux, des témoignages assez importants qui nous permettent d’ étudier le rapport France/Brésil dès la Renaissance, aussi bien que les mouvements d’indépendance dans ce pays, qui un jour a été appelé “France Antarctique”. La Condamine, Saint-Hilaire , Ferdinand Denis et Francis de Castelnau sont quelques-uns de ces voyageurs responsables d’ éléments importants dans le croisement de regards entre les deux pays.

The Crusades of John of Luxembourg

At the end of XIII century the crusades to the Holy Land and Jerusalem were finished and the christian state is fallen down. The last pagan region of Europe was at the moment the northern - eastern part of continent. This was the main direction of crusades in XIV century. In 3 of them to Prussia and Lithuania took part king of Bohemia John of Luxembiurg. These crusades had a lot of aspects: religious, political, military, cultural, but also signified the crossing of boundaries between different civilisation areas. Besides these expeditions played very important role as a part of chivalric ethics of the Middle Ages.

Vidago, Pedras Salgadas and Chaves - more than just spa tourism destinations between 1892 and 1974

This paper analyzes the changing culture of travel in a very local Portuguese context, focusing the spas of Vidago, Pedras Salgadas and Chaves. The period under consideration starts in 1892 as that year was crucial for spa development in Portugal because the “law of mineral waters” (lei das águas) was decreed then; 1974 is the closing year, for introducing the actual political regime, the democratic republic. As a matter of fact, local tourism history will be linked with such diverse national sociopolitical contexts as monarchy (until 1910), republic (1910-1926) and dictatorship (Estado Novo; 1926-1974). Differences/similarities will be highlighted and, if possible, explained and/or related with national tourist plans/changes in society/political priorities/etc..

The main objective is thus to find out whether we can discover why people went to the Alto Tâmega cluster of spas (in the interior north of Portugal): for spa motives or other kind of motives? This implicates that we have to sum up the tourist attractions available over time. Another question to be answered is whether local authorities adapted hotels/resources/promotion campaigns in order to respond to changing tourist demands. Or in other words: why did only Vidago have a Grand Hotel, why where local river beaches/casinos created, who paid for tourism publicity, could foreign tourists be attracted?

The documents available to inform us about this part of history - municipal deeds, local and national newspapers (and magazines), legislation, statistics, novels, business archives, photos, posters - are very heterogeneous and not all of them cover the whole period under analysis.

Images of place and space: nineteenth-century travel and the development of cultural economies

Using comparative examples, this paper proposes to examine some factors contributing to travel as a force for change in the second-half of the long nineteenth century. In particular it will focus on examples of the relationship between travel practices (such as visiting cafes) and the media and cultural industries. The volume, range and content of the materials and artefacts relating travel produced by these industries demonstrates the effects of the increasing mobility of people, goods and information on perceptions and representations of place and space, facilitating and encouraging the making of the kind of comparisons that stimulated competition and emulation in a number of different fields and across continents and cultural boundaries. Particularly important in this respect was the trend towards an urban tourism which was encouraged by, amongst other things, the spread of an exhibition culture which included not only the great international trade fairs ( in the which the promotion of tourism was actively promoted) but also as well as more specialised kinds of events focused on art, horticulture and health. The increasing interconnectedness of cities and the structure of the media and cultural industries meant that the growth of tourism in one place could impact on the cultural economies of places elsewhere.

From the “Tibetan paradox” to the “Tibetan médiance”: Epistemological changes in the perception of Tibet through the experience of French explorers

The French culture of exploration to Tibet (1846-1912) has been largely neglected by critics who have generally subsumed French travel accounts under the imperial geopolitical background of British explorations of Tibet known as the Great Game. Nevertheless, French explorers show a specific evolution of knowledge and representations concerning Tibet.
First explorers tend to conceive Tibet in a paradoxical way: land and inhabitants being perceived as wild and savage, they cannot acknowledge Tibetan culture in itself. This is what I propose to call the “Tibetan paradox” on the basis of a varied body of French texts and accounts on Tibet from the second half of nineteenth century. Such an approach of Tibetan landscape and people will be dismissed by one of the most original travellers to Tibet, Jacques Bacot (1877-1965). After his explorations of unknown parts of Tibet from 1906 to 1910, Bacot was to play a leading role in the evolution of French tibetology. In his travel accounts, Bacot appears to pay an acute attention to Tibetans’ own representations of their environment. This signs the emergence of a renewed conception of Tibet, which can be suitably described in the terms of French geographer Augustin Berque as a Tibetan “médiance”. This will prove the first step in the development of a new set of interrogations in XXth-century human sciences in France and a cornerstone in the literary history of French representations of Tibet.