The Regional, the National, and the Global: Changing Perceptions of Space in Twentieth -Century Indian Educational Discourse

This paper analyses educational disccourse and practice in twentieth-century India, paying particular attention to notions of of region, nation, and the international, and with a concurrent focus on the gendering of such spaces. We shall examine the (very different) contours of the the village community-based school and a renovated, internationalist ashram-like space found in the educational practice and thought of M.K. Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, both of whom formulated influential models of education. We shall consider also notions of educational space found in the writing and practice of women educationists such as Rokeya Hossain and Sarala Ray. My principal focus will be 1920-1945, though there will be a concluding section on post-Independence India.

Images of Space in the History of Latin

This paper seeks to discuss the images of space that have been constructed througout the history of education in Latin America. In the historiography of education, the notion of “space” has generally been narrowed to a territorial definition. But space is a much broader and ambiguous category, that includes geopolitical visions and imagined landscapes as much as material ones (following Arjun Appadurai’s work). It is thus important to scrutinize its visual representations, and understand the visual discourses that organize them.
The paper wants to analyse this imagined and material quality of space, through a study of two set of series: images in primary school textbooks, and displays exhibited in International Expositions, from Argentina and Brazil. It will discuss whether “space” was tied to national representations, regional constructions, and/or urban/rural distinctions. It will also trace how “school space” was presented or conceptualized through visual images. The comparison between Argentina and Brazil will help illuminate to what extent similar trends were active and present in the region.

The Invention of 'Japanese': The Change of Space Perception from Local Community to "Great Asia"

In the pre-modern period, Japan took the policy of seclusion for over two hundred years. During the term, paradoxically, the concept of ‘Japanese’ had not yet been established. The space perception of Japanese people was limited to their living local area, or to ‘Han’ (the Clan governed by feudal lord ‘Daimyo’) at the largest. In the viewpoint of culture Chinese classics and Confucianism had predominant power.
After Meiji Era, which had started in 1868, the Japanese government converted their policy to the extreme Westernization. Under this policy the concept of ‘Japanese’ was invented. In order to associate with Western Europe, Japan dissociate itself from East Asian cultural bloc. In this process, what is called ‘Japanese’ was established. For example, ‘Japanese Painting’ was invented in this time both against the ‘Western Painting’ and independent of Chinese Painting. The unique process of development of Japan was enabled by this association and dissociation.
This paper will discuss about the following three points.
(1) The reason why Japan could realize this abrupt turn in space perception.
(2) How did educational discourse influence the invention of ‘Japanese’?
(3) This invention leaded up to the concept of ‘Great Asia’ which was used for defend the invasion of Asian countries.

The Transnational Space in Modern History

The spatial turn has introduced into historiographical debates a lot of new categories among them also the term transnational space borrowed from research in the field of contemporary migration where people moving forth and back seem to create a space overlapping with traditional spaces of cultural belonging and political order. Obviously this is not a totally new phenomenon, but it might not to be enough to add historical evidence to the often dominating “discourse of newness”. Instead, we think it necessary to develop an approach that historicises the whole complex of spatialisations of social interaction. The paper proposes a couple of categories such as regimes of territorialisation, transnational spaces, critical junctures of globalisation and portals of globalisation and will explain how they can relate to each other and how concrete research can be organised around such categories.

The Space Called Europe: Historical Configurations

The paper aims at looking at configuration of Europe in processes of self-definition against the others. Starting with the 16th century where Europe fought to put itself on the map of the (now by Europeans) discovered new world by elaborating the specificities differentiating them from other people, we follow the lines of that process until the 20th century where Europe had to legitimate its position as imperial centre in a globalising world. From the debate on the question if Indios are human beings to the discussion of Orientalism and Africanism there is a rich material to be explored at the search for an answer to the long lasting problem of how to draw the borderlines of Europe.

The Slavic World and the Yugoslav Child: Constructing a Transnational Slavic Educational Space, 1918-1938

This paper examines the significance that Slavic affinities and allegiances had for Yugoslav education in the inter-war period. My emphasis is not on the "Slavic" as a fixed ethnic descriptor (or an a-priori category of analysis), but rather on the ways that notions of "Slavicness" were deployed within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia – both with regard to modeling progressive, desired futures and to envisioning the proper education of children as future citizens. Borrowing Arjun Appadurai's terms, I argue that the "Slavic" can be seen as a "context-generating", "world-generating optic" through which certain populations could imagine themselves as areas and as people(s) linked to others across place and time. In the period under examination, Russia rarely appeared as the principal Slavic reference society, and Yugoslavs instead emphasized their coevalness with Slavic countries such as Czechoslovakia and, to a lesser extent, Poland. Teacher study tours, academic exchanges, and the circulation and translation of pedagogic material all hastened the construction of a Slavic world that became a key touchstone for Yugoslav projections of modernity (in the sphere of education, in particular). This paper focuses on Yugoslav-Czechoslovak circuits of interaction in the inter-war period and argues that they can be seen as a constructing transnational social space that played a key role both in the circulation of educational reforms and in negotiating the ideal dispositions and behaviors of "modern", "Slavic" individuals.

Japan in the Global Gender Order: Recent Patterns of Labour Migration

Since the latter decades of the twentieth century, Japan has gained prominence as a receiving country for labour migration, due to its economic dominance in the region. The patterns of labour migration have undergone several changes according to the gender and nationality of migrants and the occupations engaged in on migration to Japan. These changing patterns depend on demand for particular forms of work within Japan, border control policies in Japan, and conditions in sending countries. In this paper I will consider changing patterns of labour migration to Japan as a way of consideration the place of Japan in what Raewyn Connell refers to as the 'global gender order'. In other words, the gendered patterns of labour migration can only be understood by considering the interaction of local gender orders in sending and receiving countries and situating these patterns in the context of a global gender order.

From Cantonese Domestic Servants to Indonesian Maids: A Comparative Study in the Context of Malaysia, 1930s-1990s

Described as domestic servants par excellence, the Cantonese domestic amah-chieh literally “ruled” most upper class households in Malaya from the late 1930s to the early 1970s. Attired in their signature white tunic tops and loose black pants and neatly coiffure hair in back buns, these domestic servants were adept at all household tasks, from shopping for groceries and other necessities to cooking, laundry, ironing and cleaning as well as serving as nursemaid/nannies to infants and young children. They also served as caregivers to the aged and infirm. Most of them were regarded as part of the family and some were even accepted as honorary family “members”. This generation of domestic servants died off by the 1970s and early 1980s. By then as Malaysia gradually became more affluent, female domestic workers were recruited from neighboring Indonesia and the Philippines to take their place. Employment of domestic workers became an acceptable lifestyle choice popular among urban, upper middle class households where the mistress of the house often had a career or ran a business. Owing to linguistic convenience and cost, Indonesian maids are preferred by most Malaysian households. Comparing and contrasting the Cantonese domestic servant and the Indonesian maid/domestic worker forms the thrust of this study that focuses on these themes: genesis of migration, work ethics, employer-employee relations, support group and “safety-net” of migrant workers, and government legislation. This comparative study also evaluates the impact of imported domestic help from without on the domestic Malayan/Malaysian household.

Indonesian Domestic Workers Overseas: Their Position and Protection in the Global Labour Market

Indonesian labor migration to other countries began during the Dutch colonial period, when the Dutch colonial government sent Javanese workers as contract coolies to the newly opened plantation areas in Sumatera and Kalimantan (Borneo) as well as to the Dutch colony of Suriname. This labor flows involved men and women, the latter undertaking specific tasks on the plantations. However, records show that some Javanese women were selected from among the coolies to work as housekeepers (baboe) and also combined domestic and sexual service to European staff on the plantations.
During the colonial period and until Indonesian independence, there were fluctuations in the volume and direction of Indonesian labor flows overseas. The involvement of women in this movement has been largely neglected since female migration was considered as something ‘associational’, occurring purely as a passive migration with women accompanying male household heads. However, since the 1980s, the numbers of female international labor migrants from Indonesia increased substantially and those who are employed as domestic workers/caregivers in Saudi Arabia and Malaysia have dominated the official migrant outflows.
Indonesia provides about 30 per cent of the international demand for domestic workers. The involvement of Indonesian women in domestic work has attracted considerable controversy. While there are success stories, it is clear that these women migrant workers are exposed to considerable risks of exploitation and discrimination, not only on the basis of race and class but also gender since domestic workers are outside the protection of labor legislation, both in Indonesia as well as in some destination countries. However, despite their bad experiences, the flow of international female labor migrants as domestic workers overseas continues.
This paper examines the phenomenon of Indonesian female migrants working as domestic workers overseas, focusing on their position and meaning in the context of the global labor market and protections provided for them at the local, national and international levels. It also includes an historical analysis of women’s migration to show the similarities between the present situation and the situation during the colonial period. The study reviews the literature on women as domestic workers/caregivers and is also based on primary data analysis of fieldwork studies conducted in Indonesia.
Aswatini Raharto
Research Centre for Population
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (PPK-LIPI)
10th Floor, Widya Graha Building
Jl. Gatot Subroto 10
Jakarta, 12710
Indonesia

Tel: 62 (21) 5207205
Fax: 62 (21) 5207205
Email: tinias28@rad.net.id; aswa001@lipi.go.id

Migration into Thailand: Change and Continuity from a Gender Perspective

This paper investigates the diverse migratory flows into Thailand during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and since the 1970s, tracking the shifting gendered patterns of migration. The study shows that migratory movements into the Thai state in the earlier period were male-dominated, and included both free and coerced flows. The migrant workers’ main occupations in the first period were consistent with the three main “male” dominated job categories: manual labor, trade and court/regal services. The majority of the female migrants went as dependents, rather than as primary breadwinners. The situation changed in the twentieth century with women migrating as primary migrants and a distinct pattern of women engaging in the sex trade also became obvious. Since the second half of the twentieth century, both male and female migrant workers have been employed in an expanded range of activities. Male migrant workers are largely employed in manual jobs, including construction, manufacturing, and in the agricultural and fishery sectors. Women migrant workers’ occupations currently include labor-intensive manufacturing production (textiles, garments and footwear), and agricultural and fishery-related processing activities. Apart from sex-work, migrant women are also concentrated in care-giving activities, like their counterparts in other Southeast Asian states.

A Prize for Grumpy Old Men

In this paper, I will reveal what can be learned about women and learned culture by taking a closer look at some of the women who have received a Nobel Prize. For over a hundred years, being awarded a Nobel Prize has been regarded as one of the world’s great honours. Only the very best achievers in the fields of physics, chemistry, medicine (and from 1969, economic sciences), the most distinguished authors and the most diligent peace activists are considered for this honour. Or so it is often claimed.

The story of the Nobel Prizes might not be that straightforward. A number of factors besides excellence – politics, eurocentrism, scientific and literary fads – have all played a part in explaining some of the Prizes awarded in the past. But perhaps one of the most significant factors seem to be gender: out of the total 816 Nobel Laureates, a meagre 35 have been women. Why?

One simple answer could of course be that women simply haven’t achieved as well as men, neither as scientists, authors nor as crusaders for peace. But that would be an easy way out of a much more complicated issue. The history of the Nobel Prizes tell us a different story.

"Speaking Together Honestly, Openly, and Profoundly: Men and Women as Public Intellectuals in France

My paper explores women's participation in learned culture by analyzing the interactions between women and men at the Union for Moral Action, a diverse group of academics, activists, journalists, novelists, and philanthropists that came together in 1892, initiated an influential public series of Open Conversations in 1904, and continued its critical inquiries as the Union for Truth until 1939. I am particularly interested in how the Open Conversations created a new space for women to speak publicly with men about matters of particularly pressing political concern - topics including feminism, socialism, nationalism and internationalism, the reform of judicial institutions, the separation of church and state, and the relationship between the state, its citizens, and their civil servants. Many historians have observed that the iconic figure of the intellectual is more likely to appear as male than as female. By comparing the intellectual formations, institutional affiliations, and political opinions of Union members, I shed new light on the settings in which members of both sexes have claimed the right to speak, on the dynamics of their participation in the public sphere, and on the reasons why it has often been so much easier to remember public intellectual men than public intellectual women.

Umeko Tsuda and Women’s Higher Education in Meiji Japan

My paper will focus on Umeko Tsuda who was one of the first women students sent by the Japanese government to study in the U.S. in the late nineteenth century. Particularly the main point concerns Tsuda’s efforts to create a scholarship committee for Japanese women to have an opportunity to study at Bryn Mawr College as well as to found an institution of higher education for women in Meiji Japan in collaboration with the women she met during her college years in the U.S. The questions concern the following: How had Tsuda tried to gain stature for her institution in the male-dominated academic world? What kinds of students had she tried to recruit and how had she perceived their future goals with her own curricula?

Placing Women in Learned Cultures

Women in 18th Century Chinese Learned Culture

Eighteenth century Chinese learned culture was diverse, rich in content, and sophisticated in methodology. The Qing state supported scholarly enterprise through the endowment of academies and schools, and the sponsorship of massive printing projects. An important focus of scholarly endeavor was the search for philological and historical evidence to verify and to authenticate ancient texts. This “textual research” movement revived intellectuals’ interest in works long neglected in Chinese scholarship, including studies on astronomy, mathematics, and geography, and drew attention to the role of prominent female intellectuals in times past. For some 18th century male scholars this re-discovery of female erudition accentuated what was then a dominant trend, i.e. the presence of women writers who articulated their talents in various genres, including poetry, travel writing, and critical discourse about female-authored poetry. Among these literate women were also those who, with the support of male relatives, wrote commentaries and scholarly studies of classical ancient texts.

In recent years I have focused my research on the life and accomplishments of one such woman writer, Wang Zhaoyuan (1763-1851) who in her lifetime was recognized by the Chinese learned world as an outstanding scholar, especially for her linguistic and epigraphic studies of the Chinese language. She wrote several commentaries on ancient works, of which the best known is her annotated edition to the ancient classic compilation Biographies of Women. Her remarks and explanations to this collection reveal her affinity with contemporary linguistic controversies and her superior knowledge of early Chinese scholarship. Although she lived in a relatively isolated location, her intellectual prowess became known all over the empire, and helped further the advancement of learned women’s talents in the public domain.

Transylvania’s Population From 11th Century to 20th Century: Intercultural Opportunities and Vulnerabilities

The diversity of traditions and cultures has been one of the major assets of both Europe and Romania, and that during the past decades the principle of tolerance has become the guarantee of a European open society aware of the importance of its cultural diversity. Transylvania is one of the major provinces of today’s Romania and, starting with the dawn of the Middle Ages a thousand years ago, the Romanians were joined here by several other peoples which would later influence to varying degrees the history of this land. Among the peoples in question we find the Hungarians, the Germans, the Jews, the Armenians, the Serbs, the Slovaks, etc. Since the Middle Ages, Transylvania has had a population structure dominated by three main nations (Romanians, Hungarians, and Germans) and six major denominations (Orthodox, Roman-Catholic, Greek-Catholic, Calvinist or Evangelical Reformed, Lutheran or Evangelical CA – Confessio Augustana, and Unitarian), accompanied by other nations and denominations which, taken together, never accounted for more than 2 or 3% of the population. Transylvania was gradually conquered by the Kingdom of Hungary starting with the 11th and the 12 centuries, partially came under Turkish control after 1541, and ended up under Austrian rule after 1699. Until the First World War, Transylvania’s central and regional authorities remained almost exclusively in Hungarian, Saxon, and Szekler hands. This because, beginning with the 14th century, the Romanian majority was gradually denied any participation in the political, economic, or cultural life of their native province. Until the 1918 union between Transylvania and Romania, the Hungarian kings, the Habsburg emperors, and the various governments in Budapest tried to alter its dominantly Orthodox and Romanian character. They partially succeeded, as in the Middle Ages a sizable part of the Romanian noble elites embraced first the Roman-Catholic and then the Reformed Calvinist faiths; after 1700, when some of the Romanian Orthodox united with the Church of Rome, the denominational composition of Transylvania became even more complex. The settlement of colonists, from the Middle Ages to the Modern Era, failed to eliminate the Romanian ethnic majority, but managed to decrease the percentage of Romanians in the province—never, however, under 53%. Indeed, what occurred on 1 December 1918 in Alba Iulia, namely, the democratic implementation of the right to national self-determination by the majority population in Transylvania, rendered this union stable and legitimate.
Over more than a thousand years of living together, this ethnic and denominational diversity most likely shaped certain types of demographic behavior typical for these peoples and denominations and led to mutual contacts and influences. Along the centuries, relations between the native Romanians and the other peoples that inhabited the Transylvanian space were neither pure or immaculate, nor horrible and disastrous. Despite the occasional conflicts, the local Romanians, Hungarians, Germans, and others also shared moments of cooperation and mutual struggle, of kinship and of unity of purpose. In what concerns the interethnic relations in Transylvania after 1918, their tortuous fate was also affected by the presence in the previous century of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes and by the Second World War, which meant a step backwards in terms of the Romanian-Hungarian relations. The violence and the destruction of those years negatively affected the collective memory, and it took decades and a return to democracy before the two nations recovered their mutual trust and went back to peacefully living together. Today, things are moving in a positive direction, as indicated by the gradual increase in the number of mixed marriages in Transylvania. We believe that this historical-demographic study should offer both politicians and regular citizens information and solutions for the present day. In this 21st century, in Romania and elsewhere, we need to shift the focus of tolerance from the social and political realm towards the field of human relations, because in the 21st century the concept of tolerance seems to be insufficient and limited. Thus, we need to move from a tolerant co-existence to an active collaboration (the most significant mutation should involve the replacement of “I tolerate” by “I respect”). First and foremost, this requires a knowledge of the past, and only then concrete practical and pragmatic actions. Of course, under these circumstances the education of both young people and adults plays a crucial role, as the majority must truly understand the problems of the minorities and accept and support the manifestation of their ethnic identity, by protecting their culture, religion, education, and languages. Therefore, both the authorities and the civil society must become involved in fighting discrimination and in the elimination of any form of extremism, chauvinism, anti-Semitism or territorial separatism, in supporting cultural diversity and in encouraging interethnic dialogue, in the development of civic multiculturalism as a part of the European identity.

Forced labour and rising fertility in colonial Indonesia

This paper presents empirical evidence to support the labour demand theory of rising reproductive fertility in colonial Indonesia. According to this theory, birth rates in 19th-century Java rose as a direct result of the labour burden imposed upon women and their children by the Cultivation System of compulsory labour services. The theory was conceived in the 1970s as a reaction against the assumption that rapid population growth in colonial Indonesia must have reflected improvements in economic and health conditions under Dutch rule. The difficulty of testing it empirically, together with its counterintuitive quality and its ideological origins, led it to be sceptically received. However, newly assembled statistical data from Minahasa, one of the few areas outside Java where compulsory cultivation services were introduced in the 19th century, indicate that it is in fact correct.

People, War and Conquest; The case of the Dutch East India Company

An inquiry into the short- and long term effects of the wars of conquest of the Dutch East India Company on the demography of the Spice Islands, Taiwan, Sri Langka and Java (see broder abstract in upload file).

The repercussions of the siege of cities on the life of their inhabitants in the Balkans and Asia Minor (7th-10th century): a comparative approach

Balkans and Asia Minor was the battlefield among Slavs, Bulgars and Arabs in the one hand (acting as invaders) and the Byzantines in the other (acting as defenders of their Empire, striving for the re-establishing of their suzerainty) during the major part of the Middle Byzantine Period. The siege and capture of towns by both sides occurred quite often, while the repeated fall of the same place in the hands of the above mentioned rivals alternatively, was not a rare phaenomenon. There are examined and compared the various repercussions on the economic life and the demographic evolution of those cities and their countryside - together with the measures taken by the Byzantine administration in order to restore the population and economy in the above mentioned areas, which were quite vital for the survive and prosperity of the Empire.

Structure of the Serbian family in the late Middle Ages

Historical circumstances,as well as specific social, demographical
and cultural models which existed in the Serbian medieval society, made an impact
to the special characteristics of the families. One of the major issues is
quantitive size of the family and predominant type: nucleus or joint family. This
paper is based on the research of relevant primary sources: Serbian diplomatic
sources and the first Ottoman census books, which make possible not only to
establish family types and its quantitive size, but also to point out to demographic
changes caused by the Ottoman conquest in South Eastern Europe.

Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines

The paper examines the impact of Spanish conquest in the early colonial Philippines. It is often argued that compared to the Americas its impact was relatively mild because Filipinos had acquired immunity to Old World diseases prior to Spanish arrival and because the Philippines were conquered at a later date when Philip II pursued more enlightened colonial policies. It is also suggested that large scale immigration was limited because the islands lacked desirable natural resources, especially minerals, and was too far from Spain. However, this study argues that the sparse population of the islands, related among other things to low fertility, inter-community conflict and slave raiding, meant that Filipinos had acquired only limited immunity to Old World diseases in pre-Spanish times. Also, the initial conquest of the Philippines was a more bloody affair than often supposed with Spanish demands for tribute, labour and in some regions the lands, resulting in economic and social transformations and significant depopulation. It suggests that a population 1.57 million in Luzon and the Visayas in 1565 may have fallen by about two-thirds by the mid-seventeenth century.

The Slavery of Gypsies in the Romanian Principalities (14th Century-1856). An Overview

This paper deals with a topic less known to those unfamiliar with the history of South East Europe, and which was not taken into consideration in the studies concerning slavery, made in the West in the last decades, namely the slavery of Gypsies in the Romanian principalities of Walachia and Moldavia.

The slavery was part of the social system in these countries from their foundation in the 14th century until 1855/56, when this institution here was abolished. Most of the slaves were Gypsies, a population of Indian origin, which arrived in Europe in early 14th century, so that the term ţigan (“Gypsy”) became synonymous with that of “slave”. It was a relative numerous population. In the mid-19th century, when the emancipation took place, the Gypsies (slaves) accounted for approximately 7% of the total population of the country.

Aspects of the Gypsy slavery are addressed, among which: the status of slaves; the categories of slaves (there were three categories: the princely slaves or in the 19th century “Gypsies of the State”, slaves belonging to a monastery and slaves belonging to a landowner); the position of the Gypsies in the economy of the country (many of them were craftsmen); the nomadic way of life and the itinerant economy which characterized for many centuries the Gypsies.

The presentation focuses on the 19th century, and especially on the last three decades of the slavery, when, since 1830, the data of the Gypsy population changed significantly. These transformations made the slavery in the Romanian principalities, in a certain way, not very different from what was slavery in the U.S.A. A parallel is made not only with slavery in Americas, but also with slavery in the Ottoman Empire.

The fall and the attenuated rise of manufactures in India

In 1750, India contributed about a quarter of the world manufactures. By 1913, that share had declined to less than 2 per cent. After independence of South Asia, both GDP and industrial output recorded positive rates of growth. But since the period up to early 1970s was the Golden Age of capitalism both in the North Atlantic seaboard and in Japan, and the period 1970s to mid-1990s witnessed the spectacular rise of the smaller industrializing nations of East Asia, the proportion of Indian GDP and manufactures in global GDP and manufactures only inched upwards. The latest growth of Indian manufactures is still of short duration and overshadowed by that of China. India has still to travel a long distance to re-capture its place in global manufactures. With worries mounting up about the consequences of resource-intensive manufacturing that catching up may never take place.

The cornerstone of the economic modernization of China: China’s national market in the nineteenth century

The major driving force behind early modern economic growth is the “Smithian Dynamics” which is based on the market development and integration. One of the key differences in economic modernization between China, India and Japan is that China had a huge and well integrated national market which was formed in its “early modern times.” It is this market which made China experienced unprecedented economic boom and took it right to the largest economy in the world in the “long eighteenth century”, while the collapse of the market led to a century-long economic decline that China suffered after the mid-nineteenth. This great change made the path of modernization of China different from those of Japan and India.
In this paper, three issues will be focused on: (1) the size of China’s national market in the early nineteenth century, (2) the structure of China’s national market in the early nineteenth century, (3) the collapse of China’s national market after the mid-nineteenth century.

The two streams of the Japanese Economic Modernization: Westernism or Asianism?

This paper examines the Japanese political history that led the economic modernization and expansion. It deals with Japanese history from the end of the Tokugawa Era, the second half of the nineteenth century, to the 1990s.
There were two streams of ideas how to defend Japan's independence against Western imperialism, how to build Japan's nation state and how to catch up the economy and military power with the Western countries. Thw two straems were Westernism and Asianism.
The two streams sometimes competed against each other, somtimes joined together, but both of them had their own ideas to make the country richer and stronger and to rebuild the Asian order. Adding to that, both of them used their own pre-modern social systems and ideas to modernize Japan and tried to reorganize the Asian political economy in their own way. They had some common aspects with China and India, but, of course, had many different points.
This paper mainly deals with the origins of the two streams of 1860s, their development of 1930s and the economic development of 1960s of Japan. It will present some points to discuss and to compare the system of the nations, the social sub systems and the view of Asia and the world.

Epidemiologic changes and the development of health policy in modern Japan

If we take ‘modernization’ in a broad sense, its relationship with the prevalence of infectious diseases is complex. Modern knowledge, technology and institutions derived from ‘modernization’ have certainly been devised for the prevention of infectious diseases. There are, however, other aspects of modernization which have facilitated the prevalence. Hence the struggle protracted. This paper aims to survey the rise and fall of major infectious diseases in modern Japan, especially in Tokyo. Those diseases present different epidemiological patterns during the period under consideration. Examination of the historical epidemiology of them reveals a complex interplay between pathogens, natural and man-made environment, and human attempt to control the diseases. Neither a simplistic triumphalism of, nor an excessive pessimism about, modernization over those diseases would help understanding.

Economic Change in Early Colonial South India

This paper uses a firm grounding in the nature of economic life in late pre-colonial South India to analyze the colonial impact. It focuses on change in agriculture, particularly in the rice growing regions of the south.

Company Law Reforms and Business Modernization in China and Japan in the Early 20th Century

This paper examines the relationship between company law development and business modernization in China and Japan from 1890s to 1930s. Focus will be put on the corporation model and related legislations and mental patterns. It aims at comparing the divergent trajectories of this crucial dimension of economic modernization in the two countries in their initial phase of business and legal transplant and exploring the complicity of cross-cultural migration of buisness and legal ideas.

Socio-economic Transformation in the 19th Century Qing: A Comparative Study

Socio-economic Transformation in the 19th Century Qing: A Comparative Study

The Comparison between China's and Japan's Early Modernization from 1860's to 1890's

Prof. Zhang Haipeng
According to the statistics of some scholars, Westernization Group established approximately 60 modern enterprises altogether, all the investment of which was about 53,000,000 taels, generally from 1860's to 1890's. As the materials possessed by the scholars were quite different, the assession was not completely same, which was in fact a very small number. That's why someone did not agree with the use of the phrase “Modernization Movement”, because it did not become a movement, and the enterprises were not established all over the country under the unified instructions of the Central Government.
It will be very clear to compare China's Westernization Reform and Japan's Meiji Reformation. Japan's Meiji Reformation, which was declared in 1868, the 1st Year of Meiji, was several years later than China's Modernization Movement, which was initiated from 1861. However, the character of the capitalistic reform of Japan's Meiji Reformation, reflected in the western capitalistic enterprises, mode of production, and political system imported by Japan, was quite clear. According to someone's statistics, they established more than 5600 enterprise, the total investment of which was 289,000,000 Japanese Yen. Every year they established 225 enterprises on the average, the investment of which was nearly 11,000,000 Japanese Yen, which approximately amounts to more than 7,000,000 taels.Therefore,China was outshone comparing to the Japan's achievement of western enterprises before 1892 during Janpa's Meiji Reformation.
What was the greatest difference? I think it should be that in Japan the Tenno actively pushed it all over the country, while in China only several local senior officials, including Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang, Zuo Zongtang, and the other Governo-Generals or Governors interested in western modernization pushed it.Furthermore, there were a great number of conservatives in China, who opposed the importation of the the foreign machine and equipment, and the study of western sciences.Just like Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang, and Zuo Zongtang, they presented many memorials to the Emperor, suggesting to do this or that, while the other ministers did not agree with them. Empress Dowager possessed the controlling position, but she listened to and supported both of them, “managing between them”. Therefor in China western modernization did not become a national action pushed by the Central Government, and the Central Strength.
In the other hand, Japan introduced the western mode of production, and tried its best to encourage and push the common people to establish enterprises during Meiji Reformation. There was no commercial enterprises under the official supervision, and no official enterprises, or very few official enterpries.If the folk capital was not enough, the Tenno and the Central Government took money to support the common people to establish all types of enterprises. Therefore, the enterprises grew very quickly just like the spring bamboo shoot after the rain. In China there were a great deal of official enterprieses. The next type was the commercial enterprises under the official supervision. The merchants had money, but they did not dare to establish enterprises, so they established some enterprises under the official name, or the name of commercial operation under the official supervision, or the name of commerial and official cooperation, whoes strenth were very small. The nameber of pure commercial enterprises was very small, and their capital was very little.Therefore, they were very weak. The pure commercial enterprises faced the competation from several respects: the competation of the foreign enterprises, the competation of the official enterprises, and the competation of the commercial enterprises under the official supervision. It was very difficult for them to grow up. And the investment of them were very little.
The Japanese ministers in charge of Meiji Reformation, such as Ito Hirobumi, all had studied abroad, had western education qualification, and quite understood the life style and production mode of the western capitalism. However, among the Chinese ministers, no one understood foreign languages, and no one went abroad. Therefore, they hardly understood the production of the western capitalism. Although, they established enterprises, their managing means were the ones of the official enterprises in the traditional feaudal society, which quite limited the achievement of the activities of the westernization.

The Role of National Archives in National Histories in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Europe

This paper will start off by tracing the formation of national archives in Europe. Whilst some of Europe’s national archives were already established in the early modern period, most opened their doors to the public in the classic age of nationalism – the long nineteenth century. The paper will compare strategies of different states in founding national archives and developing ground rules for their use. In particular access policies of national archives are to be compared across Europe. The paper will proceed to ask how important national archives were for the construction of national master narratives. It is noticeable that some of the most important national master narratives of the nineteenth century, from Jules Michelet to Thomas Babington Macaulay were written with scant recourse to the national archives or primary sources for that matter. By contrast, later histories of thoroughly scientific historians, from Nicolae Jorgae to Karl Lamprecht, prided themselves in their supreme knowledge of the sources and archives, which gave their national histories increased status and standing not just in the academic world but also among the wider public they sought to influence. However, it is noticeable that some of the key national histories even in the second half of the twentieth century, from Fernand Braudel to Norman Davies were produced without much work in the national archives (although it would be fair to say that they sought to base their national master narrative on other work which had made extensive use of national archives). Nevertheless the paper will explore the question whether it has not been characteristic of many historical national master narratives that they retained their distance from national archives. To some extent then the paper will explore whether there existed a certain hiatus between the alleged importance of national archives to the construction of national master narratives (a claim often made by the founders and those seeking to maintain and develop national archives) and the reality of the construction of national master narratives. In other words: the hypothesis to be tested is: the grand stories which came to structure many people’s understanding of the nation’s historical development were not constructed out of prolonged engagement with national archives, but were told in a particular historical-political situation and out of particular sets of ideological-normative commitments of the national historians in question. In addition, the paper will also seek to examine in which way hierarchies of archives emerged in the nineteenth century – with national archives at the top and other archives, e.g. local/ regional archives or transnational archives, such as archives of empire etc., being accorded at best second place. Of course, many organisers of historical science, such as the French historian and minister for education, François Guizot, recognised the importance of the local and regional archives for the national storyline and therefore proposed a stricly centralised system of archives which would culminate in the central national archive in Paris, from where all necessary information for the construction of national master histories could be gauged. Such visions of an all-powerful and empowering central archive stood next to the reality of a multitude of differen archives for different purposes and thematic/ chronological concerns. The paper will try and shed some light on the precise interrelationship of such different types of archives in different parts of Europe. Finally, the paper will conclude by asking what role national archives can play in contemporary Europe, where, one the one hand, processes of Europeanisation and regionalisation have seriously undermined national master narratives, whilst, on the other hand, fears of Europeanisation and globalisation have paradoxically strengthened the public’s ties to their respective national histories. Are national archives increasingly an anachronism of a previous age (as the Habsburg Imperial archives in Vienna seemed an anachronism to many national(ist) historians in the nineteenth-century Habsburg empire)? Are they reforming themselves to undertake new tasks (e.g. the National Archives in London now spending a good proportion of their time and resources on helping individuals trace their family trees)? Or is there still a meaningful function to be fulfilled in being the main repository for the collective national memory?

Posthumous Privacy

The ownership of history and the command of information sources cannot be the province of historians alone. This is so because the international human rights covenants tell us that the right to free expression and exchange of views, including historical views, can be legitimately limited for various purposes. One of these purposes is the right to privacy and reputation (article 12 Universal Declaration of Human Rights). Hence, under certain conditions, the free expression of historians can be restricted if it invades the privacy of their subjects or defames them. In this contribution, I limit myself to privacy (excluding reputation), to the privacy of the dead (excluding privacy questions of the living), to the types of privacy invasion called disclosure of information and false light (excluding other invasion types such as intrusion and appropriation), and within this domain to cases against historians. I analyze a set of eight legal cases against historians (from Canada, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Taiwan, and the United States) in which posthumous privacy played a primary or substantial role.
I tentatively argue that posthumous privacy of the nondisclosure type exists; that legally it fades away after two generations; and that morally it may last much longer (like other invasion types such as intrusion under the form of the excavation of graves by archaeologists). I then identify the types of sensitive information that invade posthumous privacy. I further ask whether posthumous privacy is a purpose that can legitimately limit the free expression of historians. I explore the key notion of balance to find out whether the interests of the dead (if indeed the dead can have interests at all) and their surviving family in nondisclosure of private information and the public interest in its disclosure are of equal importance and whether public and private deceased historical figures should be weighed differently. I also look into the roles of heirs, third parties, judges, and historians. I investigate when heirs impose a reasonable privacy control; when judges impose a duty of silence on historians and in whose name (of the deceased, the heirs, or both); if historians, in the absence of a legal case, should be able to exercise a right to silence. I argue that balancing interests sometimes leads to restricted or regulated access to sources and that, rather than censorship, it is an essential part of the freedom of historical research. Historians have to reckon with some carefully delineated privacy-inspired zones of silence.

Oral History and the victims of repression in Spanish Civil War

The Memory of the victims of july 1936 military and fascist Coup d’Etat contrast with Francoist Memory of the war. Along the Francoist Dictatorship was constructed an official memory and a History complete different of victims memory. Seventy years after the war the reconstruction and rescue of these victims’ memories have just start and is a new way for the construction of a new History that revised francoist topics. The construction of a found of 400 interviews in a research project of Galician universities can allow to show a new way for this new History. The revision of all military records, including military judgments is the second way for this aim. The third way is the recovery of private founds, memories and records.
Some conclusions of this research about the beginning of Spanish Civil war in Galicia can be presented to contrast the official memory, even during the last Democracy 30 years, and victims’ memory.

The Everyday Life of History in the English Eighteenth Century

Neither `History' nor the idea of ownership are particularly useful for considering the social uses and effects of historical knowledge in the English eighteenth century. Following the protocols of the new history of material culture/social history of materialthings, this paper will consider the wide use of History in the everyday practice of the law.

By way of introduction, it includes a brief history of answers to the question `Who Owns History' in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

Fashion and "Europeanized" Excesses: Consumption and Class in Late Ottoman Beirut

A consumer culture emerged in turn of the century Beirut, structured by increasing European economic penetration of the Ottoman Empire as well as by local efforts to produce a localized modernity. Souks began to displace the markets in the old city and the building of a new port turned Beirut into the funnel through which goods moving in and out of the region had to pass before reaching their final destination. As a cultural hub, there were also intellectual currents intersecting in the city alongside the economic ones. Intellectuals and public figures writing in the press responded in different ways to these material changes pervading in their city.

This paper argues that far from advocating mimicry and imitation of "ifranji," or European, cultural products, "Europeanized" (mostly Christian) intellectuals in Beirut found in fashion a common source of anxiety. Fearing the loss of particularity, both male and female intellectuals advocated a localized sense of consumption that preserved a sense of being "oriental" or "Syrian." This was accompanied by calls for consuming local and by small industries advertising themselves in the press in patriotic terminology. Furthermore, particularly in relation to women, the home was posited as the location of real "virtue" and a life revolving around domesticity was advocated as a remedy to women's fashion excesses in public places. Through the articles and advertisements in the local press, this paper explores these different responses to a novel consumer culture and links them to the emergence of a middle class struggling to find a place for itself in the social hierarchy.

The Material Renaissance. Comparative perspectives on consumer changes and economic development in the long sixteenth century

In this paper the relationship between economic development and consumer changes will be reserached for late medieval and sixteenth-century Northwestern Europe. Building on the rich historiography for the Italian pensinsula, the question will be raised whether -or not- sixteenth-century material culture changes outside Italy enhanced economic transformations.

Rethinking the Material Renaissance: Consumers and Consumption in Italy, 1400-1600

This paper proposes an overview of recent consumption theories and their application to the Italian Renaissance. It will present a historiographical perspective by considering literature on this topic alongside a variety of research projects and curatorial initiatives developed over the last two decades.
Ever since the terms Renaissance and conspicuous consumption were coined during the second half of the nineteenth century, they have frequently been closely associated with each another. Over the last two decades, however, consumer practices in early modern Italy have been researched in unprecedented detail. Interest has moved away from simply charting the excessive expenditure of the Italian courts, on public festivities, magnificent palazzi, and lavish clothing, to a range of responses that have both idealised and demonised the notion of consumption. Historians from very diverse fields have sought to pinpoint the beginnings of a ‘consumer society’, or even a ‘consumer revolution’. Richard Goldthwaite made a powerful argument for a marked proliferation of objects and typologies during the fifteenth century, suggesting that the artistic outpouring witnessed in Florence was significantly motivated by economic factors. Over fifteen years on, this thesis has been revisited and reassessed in a countless variety of ways. Some scholars have outlined similar phenomena as early as the fourteenth century; others have contested Italy’s privileged position and transposed the geographical epicentre of these developments to the Middle East. Still others have questioned the basis of such a positivistic narrative, underlining the fact that the majority of Italians owned exceedingly few material possessions. While the very concept of a Renaissance consumer continues to provoke a lively debate, it has nevertheless been instrumental in opening up new channels of research and approaches to the material culture of the period. It has enabled us to move beyond ultimately unsatisfactory theories of emulation and the view that engagement with fashionable goods was predominantly a frivolous, female-dominated activity. These have increasingly been overturned by more balanced examinations of the many social and cultural meanings invested in the purchase, exchange, recycling and eventual disposal of objects.

The Formation of the Finnish Model of Consumer Society between the East and the West, the 1950s and 1960s

The structural change and a transition towards a modern consumer society has been a significant feature of the modernisation of societies during the first half of the 20th century in the western hemisphere and later around the turn of the millennium over all caused by the advancing globalization process. Many scholars (Cohen 2003; Cross 2000; Strasser et al. 1998 e.g.) have analyzed the transition process to a modern consumer society and taken the model of the United States as a starting point. Many times it has been taken as granted that the ‘late-comers’ in the consumer society development automatically follow the path of US development. However, lately it has been shown that there is a variety of possible paths to a consumer society (see for example Brewer & Trentmann, eds. 2006; Loehlin 1999; Ross 1996; Trentmann, ed. 2006).

In this paper the Finnish experience of a consumer society development is examined. After the Second World War, Finland experienced a very fast structural change and urbanisation especially during the 1960s. In everyday living modern conveniences like a water pipe, an indoor toilet and a sewer became everyday necessities to an increasing number of homes. An increase in leisure time was an additional factor behind the development of the modern consumer society.

The standard of living rose fast among the Finns during the 1960s. Following the international trend the increasing individualism proceeded slowly and was related to the rising commercial culture. Especially during the 1960s, phenomena like advertising and fashion became important arenas, where the popular culture flourished. After 1965 a five-day working week was gradually adapted in Finland. This together with rising salaries and a larger supply of consumer goods gave new possibilities to consume. During 1955-1966 the share of leisure-time consumption from total household expenditures increased from 10 to 20 per cent. Traveling abroad started to turn from luxury to a possibility for a common consumer. Furthermore, during the 1960s the consumer movement started when the first consumer organization was founded in Finland. As an official organ the Consumer council was founded following the Swedish model. These developments led later during the 1970s to the beginning of consumer policy in national level.

For the Finns born between 1945 and 1955 the 1960s was the era of their youth. This generation, often called the numerous generation, had some money of its own. They found new lifestyles and started to use consumer goods like cloths, records and motorcycles, e.g., as symbols of rebellion against older generations. Young radicals belonging to this generation found themselves as representatives of their generation. During the 1970s, some members of the numerous generation became representatives of the left-wing political movement. However, most youngsters became members of the consumer society. They bought records, they were dressed in blue jeans and they adapted the fashion, lifestyle and models of consumption of the western consumer societies.

Consumer Societies and Economic Change in the Long Run. Reconsidering Concepts for the History of Consumption

The paper is going to discuss consumer societies and economic change with a long term perspective trying to find links between the research on modern and early modern consumer societies. Reconsidering current historical research on consumer societies from the late Middle Ages to modern industrial societies, the question will be discussed if it is possible to define repertoires of social interaction constituting an analytical approach to “consumers” and “consumption” which could serve as an element to a more comprehensive approach for analysing economic practices in history. An analytical approach for the research on consumption not a priori tied to a specific culture would be a precondition for transcultural studies without too many premises. If there are such repertoires through different cultures and historical change, what does this mean for the categories and concepts of economic change in the research of consumption? Is consumption a practice situated in specific figurations of a society or does it make sense to consider a whole society as a “consumer society”? The discussion of these issues will be theoretically based on current economic sociology, especially on the economies of quality.

"Consumer Culture" in Global Historical Perspective: New Research, New Perspectives

Studies of consumption have generally followed two models. One has looked to a sharp break in the affluent years after World War Two when an increasingly pluralistic, flexible, and life-style oriented “consumer society” is said to have replaced a class-based, work-oriented “industrial society”. The second model takes a longer view, taking into account patterns of consumption in the early modern period, and offers a quasi-Weberian stage theory: in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, consumption here switches from an “archaic” to a “proto” to a “modern” type of globalization (Bayly). According to this model, this switch makes itself manifest in a switch from diversity to the standardisation of products and tastes.

Drawing on recent research, this presentation will offer a critique of these models which presume a linear unfolding of a single type of consumer culture over time, mainly associated with Americanization. Instead, it will point to the on-going diversity of consuming cultures, its uneven advance, and to the influence of local forces in shaping how people desire, acquire and use things.

Exploring Modern Italy. The Changing Culture of Grand Tour During the Eighteenth Century

The cultural shock produced by the ‘discovery’ of Italy was a well-known change from the late fifteenth to the early sixteenth century. But the goals and manners of the ruling classes changed in Europe during the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The accelerating circulation of men and ideas as well as the role of technical, political and cultural changes were connected to numerous modifications relating to the Grand Tour.
This essay seeks to devote attention to some travel experiences (in particular British aristocrats') outsides the parameters set by Roman and Greek revival. Not only arts - music, painting, architecture as Paolo Cornaglia shows in this session -, but also politics and diplomacy were the object of reflection for many gentlemen.
In the eighteenth century, has been written, English travel literature became more sympathetic to some European countries. This phenomenon is evident not only in printed material, but also in unprinted memoirs and in public and private correspondence. The essay analyses the traces of some Ritterakademien's students who travelled in Europe and lived a few years in Italy.
Gentlemen were often young students. Many aristocrats were partly educated abroad, in some famous academies as those of Lunéville, Paris, Angers, Besançon, Blois, Brunswick, Caen, Colmar, Hamburg. And so they did in universities as Leipzig, Leyden, Utrecht, Göttingen. Among the Italian academies attended in the eighteenth century there was the Royal Academy of Turin, where many British, German, Polish and Russian nobles were received.
During the Grand Tour young gentlemen and students were part of a well-connected society, in which they would be received by the monarchs, would dine often at court, would be permitted to attend public functions, would mix with ministers and diplomats. Letters of introduction served to present these gentlemen to the highest ranks of European society, providing ample opportunity to broaden political understanding and to acquire social skills. Attendance at courts, theatres, salons, scientific societies was an important way to know modern models of Continental life.
During the eighteenth century, in the Continent Italy changed its role and its image. Travel literature and archival sources devoted to travellers in this century offer an interesting key for reading the image of modernity joined to a country traditionally connected with its past.

Renouvellement du goût, échanges et commanditaires dans la culture européenne artistique et architecturale dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle

Les voyages des membres des élites et des aristocrates qui se déroulent pendant le XVIIIe siècle marquent le développement de la culture de l’art et de l’architecture. Grâce aux contes de voyage, aux volumes des correspondances, aux lettres, publiés au retour, des nouvelles idées sur les quelles réfléchir prennent la scène, et des opinion quelques fois féroces concernant mœurs, nouvelles modes et styles causent un débat riche qui trouve plusieurs endroits pour se manifester, des lettres aux livres, des journaux aux académies. L’abbé Le Blanc, à Londres entre 1737 et 1744 donne des fortes critiques à l’architecture intérieure anglaise (il parle de « mauvais goût ») e déclanche la grande vague anti-rococo, suivit par Charles Nicolas Cochin qui publie des articles fameux sur le Mercure de France en 1754 et 1755. C’est le Grand Tour en Italie en 1749, avec Marigny, Soufflot et Le Blanc qui ouvre les yeux à Cochin : la beauté de l’antiquité contre la folie du rococo, de Borromini, de Juvarra à Stupinigi (une décoration à la Meissonnier !). Selon Cochin, le retour de Marigny en France, après le voyage d’Italie, c’est un moment capitale qui change le goût : c’est la naissance du Goût Grec. Un Grand Tour important, encore, à cause des dix volumes publié, c’est celui de Joseph Jérôme de Lalande, en 1765. Mais entre ces voyages il y en a un qui mêle relations dynastiques, liens politiques et curiosité pur l’art et l’architecture dans une façon très particulière : c’est le voyages des Comtes du Nord, les héritiers au trône de Russie, les grands-ducs Paolo et Maria Fedorowna, en 1782 en incognito. Ils passent à Venise, à Turin, à Paris, à Stuttgart. Ils visitent les châteaux, les palais et les cours : c’est l’occasion pour connaître les nouveaux formes des arts, le néoclassicisme, désormais répandu, dans toutes ses manifestations, c’est l’occasion pour fêtes et concerts, qui quelques fois deviennent le sujet des peintres à la mode. A Venise gravures, peintures et dessins par Francesco Guardi et Gabriel Bella et autres nous montrent les concerts et les banquets donnés en l’honneur des héritiers du trône russe au Casino dei Filarmonoci, al Teatro di San Benedetto, in piazza San Marco. A Paris le grand-duc est accueilli à la séance privée de l’Académie, un privilège très rare. A Turin la grande-duchesse, après la visite des nouveaux appartements du château de Moncalieri, elle en demande la copie des projets à l’architecte, à Stuttgart ils visitent la nouvelle grande salle néoclassique du palais juste achevée, à Chantilly le dessinateur Chambé prépare un relevé complet du parc cet surtout de la nouvelle partie à l’anglaise. Le voyage des Comtes du Nord c’est un vrai miroir de la signification et des conséquences des voyages dans le contexte de la circulation européenne de l’art et des ses nouveauté au XVIIIe siècle: revenus en Russie Paolo et Maria Fedorowna demandent œuvres d’arts aux peintres et aux sculpteurs qu’ils ont connu pendant leurs visites pour décorer leur villa « palladienne » près Saint Petersbourg: les statues executées par les frères Collino de Turin à Pavlovsk et les peintures par Jean Baptiste Le Paon à Gatchina sont un témoignage de ce réseau de personnes, voyages, idée, cultures et œuvres d’art qui a caractérisé la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle.

British Travellers in North Africa: Travelling for the Empire

Nineteenth century British travel and travel writing were so embedded in a desire to capture ‘other’ non-European people, lands and geographies. In this respect, this paper seeks to explore the ways in which British travellers to the Regency of Tunis were driven by an insatiable appetite for different forms of knowledge: geographical, ethnographic, historical and scientific. They were also woven into the fabric of a set of information-garnering apparatuses such as the Royal Geographical Society, the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the British Museum and the Foreign Office. Drawing on colonial discourse theory, this paper aims to suggest that the Regency of Tunis was entangled in an imperialist economy of information-gathering. The first part highlights some travelogues that particularly come under the rubric of the antiquarian travel writing modality concerned with the ruin-strewn site of Carthage so as to bring to bear the ways whereby travel led to the collection and appropriation of antiquities. The second part considers the descriptive manners-customs portrait of the indigenous whereby British travellers reaped ethnographic information and thus acted as ‘spontaneous ethnographers.’ Nineteenth century British travel writing was an instrumental knowledge-producing apparatus as it was greatly predicated on observation, classification, collection, description and appropriation.

Keywords: apparatus, discourse, imperialism, knowledge, North Africa, travelogues, travel

L’énonciation des temps historiques de la Nouvelle-France

La période de l’histoire des voyages des Découvertes est en même temps celle où l’historiographie ne cesse, par le discours qu’elle tient sur son propre temps, de créer et de recréer son propre présent. Le récit de voyage n’échappe pas à ce nouveau cadre épistémologique, lui qui se fonde souvent sur un exercice comparatif dont le champ se compose d’expériences très récentes. Aussi, s’il est commun d’y chercher l’altérité du côté de la description des habitants des terres parcourues, puis occupées – les Sauvages –, il l’est moins de la trouver dans l’objectivation que le récit produit des temps historiques, faisant du passé l’Autre absolu de l’avenir, dressant entre eux un présent souvent de loin plus accompli dans les textes que dans la réalité. À partir d’un échantillon composé de deux fictions, les Amours de Pistion et de Fortunie d’Antoine Du Périer (1601 et 1606) et La coppie d’une lettre envoyée de la Nouvelle France ou Canada signée par un certain Des Combes (1609), ainsi que de l’Histoire de la Nouvelle France de Marc Lescarbot (1609, 1611 et 1618), des Voyages de Samuel Champlain (1613) et de la Relation de la Nouvelle France de Pierre Biard (1616), cette communication s’attardera aux lieux de ces textes où le « temps configuré » crée ses « caractères temporels propres » (Paul Ricœur, Temps et récit, 1983). Il s’agira à terme de mieux cerner comment, au moment où les efforts de colonisation de la France en Amérique se font plus cohérents, la Nouvelle-France accède à l’histoire à travers différents dispositifs aux fins essentiellement persuasives.

The concept of globalization in contemporary travel and tourism

Contemporary travel and tourism are bound up with the realities of a globalized world, and many forms of travel writing are consequently making use of and contributing to discourses around globalization. In my research I take an interest in the significance of travel in contemporary society, especially with a focus on how travel journalism makes use of globalization discourses. With a focus on popular travel magazines I study how globalization and cosmopolitanism becomes what Crispin Thurlow and Adam Jaworski refer to as an “identity resource” (2006). As an example, the Swedish travel magazine RES (Travel) uses the idea of a globalized world to create a cosmopolitan elite identity for their readers. In RES travel becomes a quest for status and an important tool for creating an ideal identity that the readers are invited to share. This quest for privilege and status even overshadows the well-known search for authenticity that is often central to popular travel narratives.

In addition, the issue of globalization as it is dealt with in RES is very much a question of the relation between Europe and Asia. The writers of RES express amazement at the economic success of nations such as Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. Furthermore, the writers are arguing that this economic success is the basis of a new relation between East and West since a growing number of Asians are participating in a global consumer culture.

In sum, I wish to explore how contemporary travel journalism makes use of, as well as contributes to, definitions of globalization. My focus will be on the creation of privilege in popular travel narratives and how this is connected to the notion of a new relation between Europe and Asia, based on consumption and status.

Visiting Granada and the Alhambra in the XIXth and XXth centuries: From travellers to tourists

L’Espagne est à l’heure actuelle un pays à forte vocation touristique. Le tourisme est devenu le principal moteur de l’économie. Les villes monumentales attirent chaque année des milliers de visiteurs, chiffre en progression constante quelle que soit la situation économique des pays émetteurs.
Grenade est l’une des villes espagnoles possédant le plus fort potentiel touristique.
L’héritage musulman est présent dans la vie de la cité, l’Alhambra et le Généralife attirent les touristes venus du monde entier, désireux de retrouver toute la splendeur de l’Orient lors de la visite des palais nasrides.
A Grenade, nature et passé monumental se conjuguent à la perfection, pour le plus grand plaisir des touristes.

Filosofi in viaggio. Riflessioni, luoghi, esperienze

In may 1748 David Hume the philosopher received an invitation from Lieut.-General St Clair to attend him as secretary and aide-de-camp in a military embassy to the courts of Vienna and Turin. They stayed in Turin about six months. Hume wrote a ‘sort of Journal’ of his travels and accounted for the ‘Appearances of things’. He thought that a direct knowledge of ‘Courts & Camps’ could be useful to a man of letters who has the intention of ‘composing some History’. The journal contains several observations that are closely connected with the philosophical literature on travel (rules, utility and meaning), from Montaigne and Bacon to the Encyclopédie and Rousseau: ‘There are great Advantages, in travelling, – Hume writes – & nothing serves more to remove Prejudices’. Yet, Diderot remarks, the traveller ought to avoid all undistinguished rash judgements (‘à Orléans toutes les aubergistes sont acariâtres et rousses’). Sterne and Goldoni ironically represented the supposed advantages of travelling and their related traditional topics: the age of the traveller and the necessity of a tutor, the learning of the traveller and his acquaintance with the foreign language, the things worthy to be seen and the experience of different manners, the improvement of knowledge and the enlargement of views. Before Turin Hume had published ‘Of national characters’, where he also reflects on national prejudices; after Turin he composed ‘A Dialogue’, where the ‘great rambler’ and (moral) sceptic Palamedes mostly insists on the difference of manners and customs, and denies the existence of ‘universal standard of morals’. The ‘Dialogue’ echoes Montesquieu’s Lettres persanes and is echoed by Charlemont’s Essay towards a new Method of Travel writing. Hume first met Lord Charlemont, then a young aristocrat from Ireland at the beginning of his grand tour, in Turin. Charlemont’s Travel essays will underline, when written down later in the century, the importance of this encounter, and more generally of the ‘philosophical’ journey – that is, a journey whose main aim is to experience the variety of nature and of human customs, superstitions, and behaviour – as a way to understand, and measure, the distance between the modern, enlightened élites, and their subjects. In this sense, the maps drawn by Charlemont’s voyages offer much more than a new possible topography of antiquity (Charlemont did play a role in art patronage and in the evolution of taste, and his travels in Greece and Turkey are usually read in respect to this role): they trace a geography of different experiences, such as catastrophes (the plague in Messina, a storm at sea), natural marvels (volcanoes and grottos), philosophers’ habits (Montesquieu and Hume), and ‘catholick’, or ‘turk’ rites and legends. From Naples to Antiparos and Malta, and back to London, Charlemont’s European journey probably developed as a quite random and complicated way; but it is later written down as a lesson, whose scope goes well beyond the celebration of modern ‘taste’. In the recollections of the Lord, tragedy in Messina, debauchery in Malta, and encounters with philosophers become all equally important. The relationship between the Philosopher and the Lord is especially celebrated by Charlemont’s Anecdotes of Hume: but the philosopher’s considerations and behaviours – as observed in the particular setting of a foreign country – are examined, in the aristocrat’s (and politician’s) view, as a way to understand and minimize, not to accelerate, ‘change’.

The Mirror that is impossible to go through. European Travellers and Places of the Aristocratic Sociability in Eighteenth Century Italy

During the eighteenth century there were thousands of travellers crossing Italy to complete the grand tour. The Peninsula cities were forming the main destination of the important European aristocracies in their educational route. The travellers had left detailed proofs of their trips in diaries and correspondence. Historians have often used them in order to reconstruct the history of the Italian society during the ancient regime. Actually such references are source, both attractive and dangerous. The short time of the stays and the scarce knowledge of the political and social context in which they were about to find themselves were the reasons why travellers often were not able to formulate their own opinions and were reflecting those from the people they had been in contact with. A clear example of this attitude is the text dedicated to Turin by Montesquieu who stayed at the capital of the dynasty of Savoy in 1728. Many travellers, especially the English, were coming then to the Italian cities animated by the prejudices and common places upon which they were modelling their interpretations of what they were noticing. This attitude was emerging mostly by the contact in lounges, «conversations» and other forms of aristocratic sociability. Such places were often, within the theatres, the only real place of confront between travellers and citizens. It is about a mirror that was impossible to go through: on one side the necessarily partial images of the society were returning, on the other it was representing to the travellers exactly what they were expecting to see. A distorted mirror that few were willing to and even less were able to go through.

Filosofi in viaggio. Riflessioni, luoghi, esperienze

In may 1748 David Hume the philosopher received an invitation from Lieut.-General St Clair to attend him as secretary and aide-de-camp in a military embassy to the courts of Vienna and Turin. They stayed in Turin about six months. Hume wrote a ‘sort of Journal’ of his travels and accounted for the ‘Appearances of things’. He thought that a direct knowledge of ‘Courts & Camps’ could be useful to a man of letters who has the intention of ‘composing some History’. The journal contains several observations that are closely connected with the philosophical literature on travel (rules, utility and meaning), from Montaigne and Bacon to the Encyclopédie and Rousseau: ‘There are great Advantages, in travelling, – Hume writes – & nothing serves more to remove Prejudices’. Yet, Diderot remarks, the traveller ought to avoid all undistinguished rash judgements (‘à Orléans toutes les aubergistes sont acariâtres et rousses’). Sterne and Goldoni ironically represented the supposed advantages of travelling and their related traditional topics: the age of the traveller and the necessity of a tutor, the learning of the traveller and his acquaintance with the foreign language, the things worthy to be seen and the experience of different manners, the improvement of knowledge and the enlargement of views. Before Turin Hume had published ‘Of national characters’, where he also reflects on national prejudices; after Turin he composed ‘A Dialogue’, where the ‘great rambler’ and (moral) sceptic Palamedes mostly insists on the difference of manners and customs, and denies the existence of ‘universal standard of morals’. The ‘Dialogue’ echoes Montesquieu’s Lettres persanes and is echoed by Charlemont’s Essay towards a new Method of Travel writing. Hume first met Lord Charlemont, then a young aristocrat from Ireland at the beginning of his grand tour, in Turin. Charlemont’s Travel essays will underline, when written down later in the century, the importance of this encounter, and more generally of the ‘philosophical’ journey – that is, a journey whose main aim is to experience the variety of nature and of human customs, superstitions, and behaviour – as a way to understand, and measure, the distance between the modern, enlightened élites, and their subjects. In this sense, the maps drawn by Charlemont’s voyages offer much more than a new possible topography of antiquity (Charlemont did play a role in art patronage and in the evolution of taste, and his travels in Greece and Turkey are usually read in respect to this role): they trace a geography of different experiences, such as catastrophes (the plague in Messina, a storm at sea), natural marvels (volcanoes and grottos), philosophers’ habits (Montesquieu and Hume), and ‘catholick’, or ‘turk’ rites and legends. From Naples to Antiparos and Malta, and back to London, Charlemont’s European journey probably developed as a quite random and complicated way; but it is later written down as a lesson, whose scope goes well beyond the celebration of modern ‘taste’. In the recollections of the Lord, tragedy in Messina, debauchery in Malta, and encounters with philosophers become all equally important. The relationship between the Philosopher and the Lord is especially celebrated by Charlemont’s Anecdotes of Hume: but the philosopher’s considerations and behaviours – as observed in the particular setting of a foreign country – are examined, in the aristocrat’s (and politician’s) view, as a way to understand and minimize, not to accelerate, ‘change’.

Queens of the Desert? British Women Travellers to the Middle East

From the late 19th century onwards, more and more women became actively engaged in colonial explorations, thus putting the heavily gendered assumptions about oriental geographies, colonial subjects and imperialism into question. A geographical space that evoked particular notions of masculinity was the desert: it was constructed as a male and masculinist sphere, where women had little presence. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, European women not only claimed the desert as a space for female explorers, but increasingly challenged the ruling assumption of the desert as a masculine zone. Travellers like Isabella Eberhardt, Amelia Edwards, Lucy Duff Gordon, Gertrude Bell, Vita Sackville West and Freya Stark all dealt distinctively with the social, political, cultural, geographical and ideological notions of the desert, transgressing the boundaries of femininity performatively as well as in their texts. This paper will explore the forms and modes in which women travellers brought about changes in the established discourses of the desert and will also address the question of how the cultural presence of an increasing numbers of female tourists to the Middle East contributed to a destabilisation of the gender order of the desert. The analysis of guidebooks (Cook’s, Baedeker’s and John Murray’s) will support the argument that, as soon as female tourists became a major economic factor in the tourist industry, the landscapes of the Middle East were reconstructed according to the needs and tastes of respectable middle class women.

British travellers' contribution to the Italian Unification: travelling while making history

As next year will be the 150th anniversary of the Italian Unification, I would like to focus on some travellers, such as Charles Mac Farlane (author of "A Glance at revolutionized Italy", 1849), William Senior Nassau, Sir George Mundy, Sir Charles Forbes (author of "The Campaign of Garibaldi in the Two Sicilies. A Personal Narrative", 1861), Algernon Bicknell (writer of "In the Tracks of the Garibaldians through Italy and Sicily", 1861), Alexandre Dumas père (author of "Les Garibaldiens", 1861), Gigault de la Bedollière (a reporter following the Garibaldians), Ulric de Fonvielle (a combatant who wrote "Souvenirs d'une Chemise Rouge", 1861), Alfred d'Aunay (author of "Mémoires authentiques sur Garibaldi", 1864), Edouard Lockroy (L'ile révoltée", 1877), Jean Baptiste Durand-Brager ("Quatre mois de l'expédition de Garibaldi en Sicile et en Italie", 1861), Clément Caraguel ("Souvenirs et aventures d'un volontaire garibaldien", 1861), Maxime Du Camp, Emile Maison, and many others who came to Italy either as witnesses and reporters of Garibaldi's expedition or as active volunteers.
Even women took part in these events, such as Mary Charlton Pasqualino, who wrote "Letters from Sicily, containing some accounts of the political events in that island, during the spring of 1849", or Jessie White Mario, who travelled as a journalist throughout Italy in the second half of the nineteenth century and wrote many sociological essays (some of them in Italian, such as "Le miniere di zolfo in Sicilia", 1894).
The questions I would like to raise during discussion are:
- How much did travellers contribute to the spreading of certain images, now stereotyped, about Italy all over Europe? (Remember that in those years the Italian identity was still in formation.)
- To what extent did they actively participate in the riots?
- Can these foreigners still be defined travellers?

The Fall of the Grand Tour. Dutch and Brabantine elites and the dawn of a anovel travel culture (1650-1759)

For a long time, the cliché of young English noblemen embarking on a lengthy Grand Tour to Italy and France, clouded our understanding of ‘tourism’ in the early modern era. Only recently, its pre-eminence was challenged. Preliminary work seems to suggest that by the close of the eighteenth century the Grand Tour had become a rather conspicuous but fairly petite aspect in the colourful pallet of elite travelling. Noblemen and bourgeois seemed to prefer short outings in the countryside, to neighbouring countries, or to Paris, Brussels or Berlin above a long classical journey to Italy. Educational aims gave way for cultural interest, sublime observations, and recreation. Moreover, a democratisation of the travel public was in the making. Noblemen had to share their seats in coaches and taverns more often with common travellers and middling-sorts. Women and children were slowly but surely allowed to participate in short domestic trips. An overview which ties these various evolutions together is still missing. Using a large corpus of Dutch and Brabantine travel journals my paper aims to gather quantitative ammunition to test this hypothesis. Long-term evolutions in the topography of travel, in motivations and in the travel public will be discussed. Finally the paper will in short address some potential causes, ranging from political, socio-economical to cultural aspects.